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THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN 
M0GHUL8: 

ITS ORGANIZATION AND ADMINISTRATION. 



BY 



WILLIAM IRVINE, 

LATE BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE. 



LONDON 

LUZAC Sc CO., 46, GREAT RUSSELL STREET, 

1903. 



7 



yg^y MORSE STEPHE.I* 



PRINTED BY E. J. BRILL — LEYDEN (HOLLAND). 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Page 

Preface 1—2 

Chaptei' I. Commissioned Rank and mode of recruiting. 3—11 

Mansab, 3. — Grades of promotion, 5. — Zat and sKwar, G. — 
Table of Mansahs and pay, 8. — Siavar rank, 9. — Tahinan, 
9. — Pay of same, 11. — Chelas 11. 

Chapter II. Eules connected with Pay and Allowances . 12 — 27 
Rates of Pay, 12. — Date from which pay drawn, 12. — 
Conditional and unconditional pay, 13. — Pay always in arrears, 
13. — Pay in naqd and Jagir, 14. — Hacfiqat, 16. — Daul, 
18. — Yad-dasht, 18. — Loans, advances and gifts, 18. — 
Deductions, 19. — Fines, 22. — Sakatl and Bartarafi, 24. — 
Absence, 25. — Illness, 25. — Leave, 25. — Desertion, 25. — 
Discharge, 25. — Pension, 25. — Death, 25. 

Chapter III. Rewards and Distinctions 28—35 

Titles, 28. — Robes of Honour, 29. — Gifts, 29. — Kettledrums, 
30. — Flags and Ensigns, 31. — Panjah, 31 . — ^Alam, 32. — 
Mizan, 32. — Afiah, 32. — Azhdaha-paikar, 32. — Mahi, 32.— 
Qiimqumah, 32. — Mdhl-o-maratib, 33. — Sher-maratib, 
34. — Aftabgirl, 34. — Tmnan-togh, 34. — Summary, 35. 

Chapter IV. Procedure on Entering the Service .... 36 — 44 
Bakhshls, 37. — Duties of Bakhshl-id-mayncdik, 38. — The 
other great Bakhshls, 39. — Provincial and other Bakhshls, 
40. — First appointment of an officer, 40. — Haqlqat, 40. — 
Tasdlq 41. — Yad-dasht, 42. — TaHlqah, 43. — Ahadls, 43. 

Chapter V. — Branding and Verification 45 — 56 

Chihrah-i-mansabdar, 48. — ChiJirah-i-tablnmi, 48. — Chih- 
rah-i-aspan, 49. — Form of Imperial brands, 49. — Noble's 
brands, 50. — Classification of horses, 51. — Subordinate esta- 
blishment, 52. — Tashlhah, 53. — Officials and their duties, 55. 

Chapter VI. Different Branches of the Service .... 57—61 
Mansabdur, Tdblnan, Ahadls, Ahsham, 57. — No regimental 
system, 57. — Total strength of army, 59. — Strength brought 
into the field, 60. 

Chapter VII. Equipment. — A. Defensive Armour . . . 62 — 72 
Armour generally (silah, aslah) 62. — Fines for non-production 



•i rY i"- 



IV TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page 



of, 63. — Khud, Dnhalgliah, Top, 64. — Khoght, 65. — 
Mighfar, 65. — Baktar, Bagtar, 66. — Chahar-a/inah, 66. — 
Zirih, 67. — Jaibah, 67. — Joshan, 68. — Jihlam, 68. — 
A^igarkhah, 68. — Daglilah, Dagla,QS. — Jamah- i-fatahi, 
G8. — Chihilgad, 69. — Sac^igl, 69. — Kothi, 69. — Bhanju, 
69. — TiTarMaZ, Q9.— Ghighwah, lO. — Kanthd-sohha, 70.— 
Bastwanah, 70. — Bdnak, 71. — Mozah-i-ahani, 71. — 
Patkah, 71. — Horse armour, 71. — Kajim, 71. — Artak-i- 
kojimji. — Qashqahji. — Gardani,li. - Horse trappings,72. 
Chapter VHI. Equipment. — B. Ofifensive Arms: T, 

Weapons for close quarters .... 73—89 

1. Swords, 74. — Mode of carrying, 74. — Names for, 75. — 
Names of parts of and belts, 75. — Shamsher, 75. — 
Bhup^ ^Asa Shamsher, 76. — Khandu, 76. — Sirohl, 76. — 
Patta, li. — Gupti, 11. — Shields, 77. — C/iirioa/iand 
Tilwah shields, 78. — Fencing shields {-phari), 78. 

2. Maces, Gurz, 79. — Shashbur, 79. — Piydzl, 79. — 
Bhara, 79. — Garguz, 79. — Khandli-Phansl, 79. — 
Satit (flail), 80. — Pusht-khar, 80. — Khar-i-mahi, 80. — 
Gajbdg, 80. 

3. Battle Axes, Tabar, 10, — Zcighnol, 80. — Tabar-zaghnol, 

80. — Taratigalah, 80. — Parusa, 81. — Fenmifroo, 

81. — Basolah, 81. — Chamchdq, 81. 

4. Spears, Sman, 81 . — Nezah, 82. — Bhalcl, 82. — Barchhah, 

83. — Sa;^A;, San^f, Sangl, 83. — Sainthl, 84. — Sclarah, 

84. — Ballam, 84. — Pandl-Ballam, 84. — Panjmukh, 
84. — Lange, 85. — Garhiya, 85. — ^Alam, 85. — 
/iro??i, Gaiidusa, 85. 

5. Daggers, Katar, Katarah, Katdrl, 85. — Jamdhar, 86. — 
Khanjar, 86. — Jamkhak, 87. — Jhambwah, 87. — ^anA;, 

87. — Narsmgh moth, 87. — Bichhwa, 87. — Khapwah, 

88. — Peshqabz, 88. — iiTarc?, 88. — Chaqchaql, 89. — 
Sailabah-i-qalmaqi, 89. 

Chapter IX. Equipment. — C. Offensive Arms, 11. Missiles 90—112 
General, 90. — 1 . Bows, 91 . — Ogc/i7, OpcAi, 91 . — Charkh, 
92. — /{"ama^i, 92. — Notch, 93. — String, 93. — Thumb- 
stall, 93. — Takhsh Kaman, 95. — Kaman-i-gurohah, 

95. — Gobhan, Falakhan, 95. — Kamthah, 95. — Nawak, 

96. — Tufak-i-dahan^91. — Arrows, 97. — Tukkah, 97. — 
Names of arrows, 97. — Symbolical use of arrows, 98. — 
Quiver, 99. — Leather guard, 100. — Paikan-kash (arrow 
drawer), 101. — Target, 101. — Modes of Shooting, 101. 

2. Matchlock, Tufang, Banduq, 103. — General, 103. — 
Tripod, 103. - Par ah, 106. — Match, 107. — Powder 
horn et cetera, 107. — Blank cartridge, 1 07. — Caillctoqiie, 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. V 

Page 
107. — Jazail, jazair, 109. — Gingall, janjal, 109. — 

Qidr, 111. 

3. Pistols, TamancJia/i, 111. — Sherhachah, 112. 

Chapter X. Artillery. — Heavy guns 113—132 

Top-khdnah and its meanings, 113. — Top-i- kalan, Top-i- 
khurd, 114. — Under Babar, 114. — Top-i-zm^hzan^ 115. — 
Under Akbar, 115. — European opinions, 116. — Heavy guns, 

118. — Had names, 118. — Inscriptions on, 119. — Number 
with ^\lamgir, 119. — Examples of use, 119. — By A'^zam 
Shah, 119. — At Labor, 1125 ii., 119. — At Thun, 1128 ii., 

119. — At Wer, 1767, 120. — Jats use of at Agrah, 1767, 

120. — How mounted, 121. — Descriptions of individual 
guns, 123. — Wooden guns of Sikhs, 128. — Ghaharah,\1^. — 
Beg, 129. — Tlr (bore of a gun), 129. — Miscellaneous, 129. — 
Badalijah, 129. — Manjanlq, 130. — Sangra% 130. — 
Sarkob, Muqabil-kob, 130. — Top-i-haivde, 130. — Chadar, 
131. — Huqqah-i-atashy 131. 

Chapter XL Light Artillery 133—151 

TopkhduaJi-i-rezah, 133. — Topkhunah-i-jinsi (jambishl), 

133. — Topkhanah-i-jilau, 133. — Artillery of the Stirrup, 

134. — Names for light guns, 134. — Rahrau, 135. — 
Swivelguns or wallpieces, 135. — Gajnal, Hathmil, Narnal, 

135. — Shutarncd^ Zamburak, Shcihin, 135. — Size of 
Shutarnal, 136. — Use of, 136. — Dhamclkah, 137. — 
Ramjanaki, 137. — Arghmi, 138. — Chalani, 138. — 
Fieldpieces, 138. — Rahkalah, 139. — Origin of name, 139. — 
^Aradah-top, 140. — Qasarah, 140. — ^Arabah, 141. — 
Turah, Tobrah, 142. — Muhrah-i-mhkalah, 146. — 
Rockets, 147. — Mahtdb,ib\. — Powder Magazines, 151. — 
Pal-i-siydh, 151. — Badar, 151. 

Chapter XII. Personnel of the Artillery 152—159 

Turks and Europeans, 152. — Mir Atash, 154. — Hazdrl, 
157. — Mink-bdshi 157. — Sadvwcd^ Mirdahah^ <SaiV, 158, — 
Golanddz,\hS. — Deg-andaz^\h^. — Bdn-anddz,Bcm-ddr,ib9. 

Chapter XIH. Ahsham 160—174 

General remarks, 160. — Infantry in general, 161. — Ndgas, 
163. — 'Alighol, 164. — Silah-posh, 164. — iVajf 6, 164. — 
Pathahbaz, 165. — Bhalait, 165. — Amazons, 165. — 
Sihbandl, 166. — Barqanddz, 166. — Pay of Matchlockmen, 
167. — Baksariya/i,iQS. — Bundelahs,i69. — Arabs, iQ9. — 
Bhllah, 170. — Mewd^ti, 170. — Karndtakl, 170. — Kdld 
Piyddah, 171. — Rdwat, 171, — Bargi, 171. — Mughal, 
172. — Farangi, 172. — Pay of last four classes, 172. ~ 
Artificers and their pay, 173. 



VI TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

Page 

Chapter XIV. Elephants 175—181 

Chapter XV. Discipline, Drill, and Exercises 182—189 

Discipline, 182. — Parades, 182. — Organization, 183. — 
Uniform, 183. — Punishments, 184. — Drill, KasarcU, 185. — 
Swordplay, 186. — Horsemanship, 187. — Mounting guard, 
188. — Hunting, 189. 

Chapter XVI. Army in the Field 190—194 

General remarks, 190. — Mir Manzil, 190. — Transport, 
Baggage {Bahlr o Bangah, Partal), 191. — Commissariat, 
191. — Banjaras, 192. — Fodder, 192. — Foraging, 192. — 
Scarcity and sufferings, 193. — Flight of inhabitants, 194. 

Chapter XVII. Camps and Camp Equipage 195 — 201 

Tents, 195. — Peshkhclnah, 195. — Camp, description of, 
195. — Emperor's tents, 196. — Colour of tents, 198. — 
Gulcllbar, 199. — Jail, 199. — Tanab-i-quruq, 200. — 
Rahkalah-bar, 200. — Harems, 200. 

Chapter XVIII. Army on the March 202—214 

Lucky moment, 202. — Emperor takingfield in person, 202. — 
Order of march, 203. — Standards, 205. — Military music, 
Nauhat, 207. — Patrolling and watching, 209. — Escort 
duty, 210. — Conveyances of Emperor, 210. — Salutation 
on Emperor's passing, 210. — Crossing rivers, 211. — 
Marching through passes, 212. — Scouts and spies, 213. — 
Negociations, 214. 

Chapter XIX. Length of Marches 215-222 

Official day's march, 216. — Length of /:os, instances, 217. — 
Forced marches, 21 8. — Army marching, 21 9. — Instances, 220. 

Chapter XX. Order of Battle 223—228 

Qarawal, 224. — Qalawuri, 224. — Iftcdl, 225. — Vanguard 
(Harawal), 225. — Muqaddamah-ul-jais, 225. — Manqala, 
225. — Juzah-i-harawal, 226. — Right wing, 226. — Left 
wing, 226. — Advanced guard of Centre (jiltmish), 226. — 
The centre, 226. — Wings {Tarah) of the centre, 227. — 
Rear guard, 227. — Saqah'^ 227. — Nasaqchl, 227. — 
Taulqamah, 227. 

Chapter XXI. Conduct of a Battle 229—243 

Artillery fire, 229. — Zanjlrah band, 230. — Battle cries, 
232. — Charges, 232. — Chevaux de frise or caltrops, 233. — 
Loss of leader decisive, 235. — Untimely plundering, 236. — 
Single combat, 236. — The Utara, 237. — Other technical 
terms, 239. — Harakat-i-mazbuh'i, 239. — Qaragl, 240. — 
Dar goshah-i-kaman zadan, 240. — Talaql-i-farlqain, 241 .— 
Siyah namudan, 241. — Hallah, 241. — Yurish, 241. — 
Hai^at-i-majmuH, 241. — ChapkuncJd, Chapqalash, 241. — 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. VII 

Page 

Sipahl-i-fTUez, 241. — Defeat, 241. — Juhar, 242. — 
Proclamation of victory, 242. — Pillars of heads, 242. 

Chapter XXII. Particular Battles, Stratagems, Losses . 244 — 259 
Battle of Hasanpur, 1719, Telescopes, 245. — Reports of 
Battles, 254. — Stratagems of war, 255. — Fictitious 
desertion, 255. — Ambush, 255. — Personation of leader, 
257. — Night surprizes, 257, — Statistics of losses, 258. — 
Treatment of slain and wounded, 259. 

Chapter XXIII. Forts and Strongholds 260—269 

General remarks, 260. — Bound hedges, 261. — Hill forts, 
262. — Places of refuge, 263. — Walled towns, 263. — 
Various parts of a fortification, Technical words, hisar, qW^ah, 
qal^ahchah, garhl, mahsilr shudan^ mahasarah kardan, 
burj-o-harah, kungur, fasil,safil,chatah,goonga, kamrgah, 
rauni, sang-andaz, damaghah, 263. — Description of a 
small fort, 266. — References for other descriptions, 268. — 
Imperial fortresses, 268. 

Chapter XXIV. Sieges 270—295 

General remarks, 270. — Approach by sap and mine, 273. — ■ 
Sdbat, 274. — Sandbags, 278. — Movable shields, 278. — 
ShatUr, 278. — Malchar, 278. — Temporary wall, 279. — 
Siha or Towers, 279. — Indian defence of forts, storming, 

281. — Scaling ladders, 281. — Modes of repelling assaults, 

282. — Stones, 283. — Evacuation after assault, 284. — 
Reduction by starvation, 284. — Gurdaspur, 285. — Thun, 
285. — Second siege of Thun, 287. — Communications 
between besiegers and besieged, 287. — Keys of fortresses, 
287. — Particular sieges, 288. — Jaitpur, 289. — Allahabad, 
290. — Bangarh, 291. — Agrah, 294. 

Chapter XXV. General Observations 296—300 



PREFACE. 

In 1894 1 began the preparatory studies for an account 
of the later Indian Moghul system of government and 
administration in all its branches, being impelled by the 
belief that some information of the kind was a necessary 
introduction to a History of that period, which 1 had 
previously planned and commenced. Before I had done 
more than sketch out my first part, which deals with the 
Sovereign, the Court Ceremonial, and the elaborate system 
of Entitlature, I noticed the issue of a book on a part of 
my subject by Dr. Paul Horn \ The perusal of this 
excellent work diverted my attention to a later section of 
my proposed Introduction, the subject of the Army and 
Army Organization; and in this way I have been led to 
write this portion before any of the others. Except incident- 
ally, my paper is neither a translation nor a review of 
Dr. Horn's essay ; and though indebted to him, as acknow- 
ledged from time to time, my study covers, in the main, 
quite different ground, forming a complement to what he 
has done, and, as I think, carrying the subject a good 
deal farther in several directions. Dr. Horn seems to have 
read chiefly the authorities for the period before Aurangzeb 
Alamgir; while my reading has been confined in great 
measure to the reigns of Aurangzeb's successors in the 

1 "Das Heer- und Kriegswesen der Gross-Moghuls", by Dr. Paul Horn, 
Privat-Dozent an der Universitat Strassburg, 8vo, pp. 160. (E. J. Brill: 
Leiden, 4894.) 

1 



2 PREFACE. 

period 1707 — 1803. The sources upon which we draw are 
thus almost entirely independent of each other; and 1 hope 
that my contribution to this rather obscure corner of Indian 
history may not be thought inferior in interest to that of 
my predecessor. The first seven chapters have already appeared 
in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for July 1896. 



CHAPTER 1. 

COMMISSIONED RANK AND MODE OF RECRUITING. 

Few soldiers were entertained directly by the emperor 
himself; and for the most part the men entered first the 
service of some chief or leader. These chiefs were ranked 
according to the number of men that they had raised or 
were expected to raise. In this way originated the system 
of mansab, first introduced by Akbar {Ajn, \, 237). This 
mode of recruiting the army through the officers, renders it 
necessary to begin by a statement of the manner in which 
the officers themselves were appointed and graded. 

Mansab was not a term confined solely to the military 
service; every man in State employ above the position of 
a common soldier or messenger, whatever the nature of his 
duties, civil or military, obtained a mansab. In fact, there 
were for all grades, except the very lowest, only two modes 
of obtaining support from State funds: a man must either 
enter its active service, as the holder of a mansab, or he 
must petition for a madad-i-muash (literally, ''help to live"), 
on the ground of being a student of the holy books, an 
attendant on a mosque {inutawalll or khadim), a man of 
learning and religious life {darvesh), a local judge {qafi), or 
an expounder of the Mahomedan law {mufti). 

The word mansab is literally {Dastur-ul-Insha, p. 233) 
''the place where anything is put or erected" {nasb kardan, 
to place, fix, appoint) ; and then, as a secondary meaning, 
the state or condition of holding a place, dignity, or office. 
It seems to have been in use in Central Asia before the 
Moghuls descended into Hindustan; and Ross translates 



/^ 



4 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

it by the vaguer term "privileges". — Tankh-i-Ras/ndi, 108. 
This word mansah I represent by the word rank, as its object 
was to settle precedence and fix gradation of pay ; it did not 
necessarily imply the exercise of any particular office, and 
meant nothing beyond the fact that the holder was in the 
employment of the State, and bound in return to yield 
certain services when called upon. 

The highest mansah that could be held by a subject, not 
of the royal house, was that of commander of 7000 men, 
thoudi in the later and more deorenerate times we find a 
few instances of promotion to 8000 or even 9000. The 
mansah of a prince ranged from 7000 up to 50,000, and 
even higher {Mirat-ul-Istilah, fol. 35). In the Ajn-i-Akbarl 
(Blochmann, 248, 249) sixty-six grades are stated, beginning 
at commanders of 10,000, and ending at those set over ten 
men. Even at that earlier period there seem to have been 
only thirty-three of these grades in actual existence (Bloch- 
mann, 238). All the later authorities agree in holding that 
the lowest officer's mansah was that of twenty men; and 
these writers record, T find, no more than twenty-seven 
grades, beginning with that of 7000 and ending with that 
of twenty. Tn the earlier days of the dynasty, rank was 
granted with a niggard hand. In Akbar's time the 
highest rank was for long that of 5000, and it was only 
towards the end of his reign that a few men were promoted 
to 7000, while many officers exercised important commands 
although holding a comparatively low mansah. The great 
accession of territory in the Dakhin and the incessant wars 
connected with these acquisitions may account in part for 
the increase in the number and amount of mansahs granted 
by Shahjahan and ''Alamgir. But the relative value of 
rank was thereby much depreciated; and the author of the 
Maasir-uI-Umara (i, 8), while considering Akbar's officers 
of 500 rank of sufficient importance to deserve separate 
biographies, contents himself in the later reigns with going 
no lower than those of 7000 or 5000, men below those ranks 



COMMISSIONED RANK AND MODE OF RECRUITING. 5 

being too numerous and too insignificant to call for detailed 
mention. 

The steps of promotion altered as the officer rose in 
grade. The usual gradation was as follows {Mir at, B.M. 
1813, fol. 35; Bastur-ul-^'Aml, B.M. 1G41, fol. 44^): — 

From 20 to 100 each rise was by 20 

100 to 400 „ „ 50 

400 to 1000 „ „ 100 

„ 1000 to 4000 „ „ 500 

,, 4000 to 7000 „ „ 1000 

There is a slight discrepancy between this table and the 
facts as we find them in practice. It ought to be amended 
thus: — 

From 20 to 60 a man rose by 10 each time 
,, 60 to 100 „ „ 20 

Otherwise we should exclude the rank of 50, which was 
common enough. Again, we find in many tables no ranks 
of 250 or 350, although both of these are required to 
accord with the above scheme of promotion. 

We also find mention in the historians of ranks which 
do not appear in the above scheme of grades. For instance, 
in Danishmand Khan's Bahadur Shali7iamah (fol. 41 1^, 56a) 
we find men appointed to 1200 and 2900, grades which 
do not fit in with the scheme given above, nor do these 
grades appear in the pay-table, copied from the official 
manuals, which we give a little further on. 

As an additional distinction, it was the custom to tack 
on to a 7nansah a number of extra horsemen. To distinguish 
between the two kinds of rank, the original manmh, which 
governed the personal allowances, was known as the zed 
rank [zed = body, person, self), and the additional men 
were designated by the word suwar (= horseman). Thus 
a man would be styled "2500 zdf, 1000 suwar.'' It is 
said {Mired, fol. 35) that men below 500 never had suimr 



6 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

added to their rank; but this is not borne out by what 
we find in actual practice. For instance, Mirza Muhammad 
{Tazkirah, I.O.L. N^. 50, fol. 9G«) wasinRabf II, 1119 h., 
made 400, 50 horse, and his younger brother 300, 30 horse. 
There are also instances in Danishmand Khan of 150, 50 
horse; 300, 10 horse; 300, 20 horse; 300, 80 horse; 400, 
40 horse; and so on. In fact, unless this had been the case, 
it would be impossible to divide the ranks below 500 into 
first, second, and third grade, as was actually done. This 
division into grades we now proceed to describe. 

On the distribution of rank into zat and suivctr was founded 
a classification into first, second, and third class fuansabs, 
by which the scale of zat pay was reduced proportionately. 
From this classification were exempted officers above 5000 
zat; these were all of one class. From 5000 downwards, 
an officer was First Class, if his rank in zat and smvar were 
equal; Second Class, if his smear was half his zat rank; 
Third Class, if the suwar were less than half the zat, or 
there were no suwar at all {Dastur-ul-Insha, 222). I think 
that here Blochmann {Ajn, i, 238, lines 5 and foil.) obscures 
the subject by using "contingent" as the equivalent of 
suwar, instead of leaving the untranslated original word 
to express a technical meaning. 

Pay was reckoned in a money of account called a dmn, 
of which forty went to the rupee. There were also coins 
called dam ; but the dams of account, bearing a fixed ratio 
to the rupee, must be distinguished as a different thing from 
the coin, though called by the same name. Here Dr. Horn, 
16, is of opinion that the reckoning was made in such 
a small unit as the to of a rupee, less to make a grand 
show with big figures than because the value of the rupee 
varied. On this head 1 am of exactly the opposite opinion, 
for I think that the principal, if not the only object, was 
to swell the totals and make the pay sound bigger than 
it really was. That spirit runs through everything done in 
the East, at any rate in the Indian portion of it, as could 



COMMISSIONED RANK AND MODE OF RECRUITING. 7 

easily be shown were it worth while to labour the point 
further. As for the second reason, I have considered it 
as well as I am able, not being a currency expert; and 
it seems to me that with a fixed ratio between the two 
coins, it was a matter of indifference to the receiver of pay 
whether the amount was stated in the one or in the other 
unit of value. The two units being tied together by the 
fixed ratio, and the disbursements being in fact made (as 
we know) in rupees, the payee suffered, or did not suffer, 
equally by either mode of calculation. 

In the following table, which shows all the inansahs with 
their pay according to class, I have reduced the dam to 
rupees, as being simpler and more readily intelligible. In 
the present day, this reckoning by dams has quite dis- 
appeared. When reading this table of pay, which shows 
the sanctioned allowances for a year of twelve months, it 
must be remembered that few of the officers received the 
whole twelve-months' pay, the number of month's pay 
sanctioned per annum ranging from four to twelve. Officers 
were also supposed te keep up an establishment of elephants 
and draught cattle. Apparently they were also liable to pay 
a fixed quota of their own allowances towards the expenses 
of the Emperor's elephants and cattle, an item known as 
khuraJc-i-dawabb , feed of four-footed animals. There were 
other petty deductions. 



8 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

TABLE OF MANSAB-I-ZAT WITH YEARLY PAY IN RUPEES. 





Rank 

(Mansah-i-zat). 


Yearly Pay in Rupees. 












V • J 


Eirst Class. 


Second Class. 


Third Class. 


1 


7000 


350,000 


_ 


_ 


2 


6000 


300,000 


— 


— 


3 


5000 


250,000 


242,500 


235,000 


4 


4500 


225,000 


217,500 


210,000 


5 


4000 


200,000 


192,500 


185,000 


6 


3500 


175,000 


167,500 


160,000 


7 


3000 


150,000 


142,500 


135,000 


8 


2500 


125,000 


117,500 


110,000 


9 


2000 


100,000 


92,500 


85,000 


10 


1500 


75,000 


67,500 


60,000 


11 


1000 


50,000 


47,500 


45,000 


12 


900 


37,500 


36,250 


35,000 


13 


800 


31,250 


30,000 


28,750 


14 


700 


27,500 


26,250 


25,000 


15 


600 


23,750 


22,500 


21,250 


16 


500 


20,000 


18,750 


17,500 


17 


400 


12,500 


12,000 


11,500 


18 


300 


10,000 


9500 


9000 


19 


200 


7500 


7000 


6500 


20 


150 


6250 


5750 


5250 


21 


100 


5000 


4500 


4000 


22 


80 


3500 


3250 


3000 


23 


60 


2500 


2375 


2150 


24 


50 


2125 


2000 


1875 


25 


40 


1750 


1625 


1500 


26 


30 


1375 


1250 


1125 


27 


20 


1000 


875 


750 



{Dastur-ul-'Aml, B.M. N^. 164J, fol. 44/^, z^. BM. N". 1690, 
fol. 173/5, Bastur-ul-lnsha^ p. 234.) Theratesof payin Akbar's 
reign, as given in the last column of Blochmann's table {Ajn, 
i, 248), were much higher than the above, which refers to 
^Alamgir's time and later. It will be noticed that the difference 
of pay between first, second, and third class is as follows : — 



From 


20 to 


60 


5,000 


For 


80 




10,000 


From 


100 to 


400 


20,000 


For 


1000 




100,000 


From 


1500 to 


5000 


300,000 



Dam, or Rs. 



125 yearly. 

250 „ 

500 „ 
2500 „ 
7500 „ 



(B.M. 6599, fol. 144^). 



COMMISSIONED RANK AND MODE OF RECRUITING. 9 

In addition to the simple division by mansah alone, there 
was also a grouping of officers into three classes. From 20 to 400 
they were merely ''officers with rank" {inansahdar) ; from 
500 to 2500 they were Nobles — Blochmann, i, 535 {Amir, pi. 
Umara, origin of our form "Omrah"); from 3000 to 7000 
they were Great Nobles {Jnnr-i-A'zam, pi. '^JJzzam, TJmara- 
i-kibar (Blochmann, i, 529, note), or Pillars i^Umdah). All 
mansabdars were kept on one or other of two lists: (1) 
Eazir-i-rikab, present at Court; (2) 2^<5f''2w^7/, on duty elsewhere. 

Suivar Rank. — The grant of suwar in addition to zat rank 
was an honour. Dr. Paul Horn, 15, supposes, however, 
that these horsemen were paid out of the zed allowances. 
In that case a man who had no suwar would be better 
paid than another who was honoured with the addition of 
suioar to his zat rank. Naturally Dr. Horn, 16, holds that 
this "eigentlich nicht recht glaublich ist." He is quite 
right in his conjecture. The explanation is, that the table 
of pay in Blochmann, i, 248, and that given above, are 
exclusively for the zat rank, from which money the officer 
had to maintain his transport, his household, and some 
horsemen. For the suwar rank there was a separate table, 
pay for these horsemen being disbursed under the name of 
the Tabinan. As Orme says ("Hist. Frag.," 41 8 j, the officer 
raising the troops was responsible for the behaviour of his 
men ; he therefore brought men of his own family or such 
as he could depend on. Another rule was, according to 
the Mirat'i-Akmadl, ii, 118, that the Tabinan, if horsemen, 
must be one third Mughals, one third Afghans, and one 
third Rajputs; if infantry, two thirds archers, and one- 
third matchlockmen. 

Tabinan. — Blochmann, i, 232, note 1, who, apparently, 
translates this word as well as suwar by "contingent," 
derives it from the Arabic iabin, one who follows. ^ The 

* Steingass, 272, (J^J-Ij , A, following in the steps of another ; but Pavet 
de Courteille, Diet. Turc. Oriental, 194, claims it as a Chaghatae word, 
with the meanings of "a troop of 50 men, the body-guard, the pages." 



10 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

books (B.M. 1641, fol. 46b, B.M. 6599, 1445 and U8b) give 
a long table setting forth their pay in dams, beginning with 
that for five horsemen and ending with that for 40,000, but 
as the basis for calculation remains the same throughout, it 
is sufficient here to work out the pay for one horseman. 
For five horsemen, then 40,000 dams a year were allowed. 
That would be 8000 dams for one man; and this sum in 
dams yields Rs. 200 a year (at the fixed rate of 40 dams 
to the rupee), or Rs. 16 10a. 8p. per man per mensem. 
Bernier, 217, states the rate as somewhat higher — "he 
that keeps one horse shall not receive less than 25 rupees 
a month." For this sum, of course, the man provided his 
own horse and armour, and paid for his own and his horse's 
keep. One Bastur-ul-Aml, B.M. 6599, fol. 1445, tells us 
that the number of horses to men among the troopers 
{tablnan-i-baradarl) was according to the rule of dah-bist 
(lit. "ten-twenty"), meaning apparently that the total 
number of horses was double that of the number of men. 
The scale was as follows: — 

3 three-horsed men = 9 horses 

4 two-horsed men = 8 horses 
3 one-horsed men = 3 horses 

10 men 20 horses 

That is, with 1000 men there would be 2000 horses. The 
pay of the men with the extra horses was higher, but not 
in proportion. Thus, a one-horsed man received 8000 D. 
or Rs. 200 a year (Rs. 16 10a. 8p. per mensem), while the 
two- or three-horsed man got 11,000 D. or Rs. 275 a year 
(Rs. 22 14a. 8p. per mensem). In some places we find other 
rates of pay recorded. For instance, Bahadur Shah enlisted 
AJiadls, men a little superior to common soldiers, at Rs. 40 
a month (Danishmand Khan, second Safar of the second 
year, i. e, 1120 h. = 22nci April 1708). A century later, as 
Fitzclarence tells us, "Journal," 73, 142, the rate was Rs. 40 
a month in the Dakhin, and R. 22 in Hindustan. Service 



COMMISSIOT^ED RANK AND MODE OF RECRUITING. 11 

in the cavalry was socially an honourable profession; thus 
a couHuon trooper was looked on as being, to some extent, 
a gentleman, and such men, even when illiterate, often rose 
to the highest positions. 

The pay of the Tahinan was drawn by the mansabdar, 
who was entitled to retain 5 per cent, of their pay for 
himself {Aj7i, i, 265). Pay was not always allowed for a 
whole year; often only for six, five, or four months. This 
fact renders it impossible to calculate the actual expenditure, 
for, although we generally can find out whether a manmhdar 
was first, second, or third class, we rarely know for what 
number of months in the year his pay was sanctioned. 

C/ielas. — As a counterpoise to the mercenaries in their 
employ, over whom they had a very loose hold, commanders 
were in the habit of getting together, as the kernel of their 
force, a body of personal dependents or slaves, who had 
no one to look to except their master. Such troops were 
known by the Hindi name of chela (a slave). They were 
fed, clothed, and lodged by their employer, had mostly 
been brought up and trained by him, and had no other 
home than his camp. They were recruited chiefly from 
children taken in war or bought from their parents during 
times of famine. The great majority were of Hindu origin, 
but all were made Mahomedans when received into the 
body of chelas. These chelas were the only troops on 
which a man could place entire reliance as being ready 
to follow his fortunes in both foul and fair weather. 
Muhammad Khan Bangash's system of chelas is described 
by me in J.A.S. Bengal, part i, 1878, p. 340. 



CHAPTER II. 

RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 

In the preceding paragraphs have been shown in general 
terms the rates of pay for the cavalry, and some of the 
rules by which pay was governed. When we come to 
the actual working out in detail of this part of the 
army administration, our difficulties increase. The official 
manuals, which are our only guide, are couched in the 
briefest of language, and naturally presume a knowledge 
of many things of which we are ignorant. Nor can we be 
certain whether the rules that they lay down were of general 
application or were applicable to certain classes of troops 
only. Thus the data are insufficient for any complete 
exposition of this part of the general subject. The matters 
treated of in the next following paragraphs are, moreover, 
of a somewhat miscellaneous description, and many of them 
might be better classed under other heads, such as Discipline, 
Recruiting, and so forth ; but as there is not enough material 
to yield complete information, I have thought it better to 
deal with the greater part of them, as the native authors 
do, in their relation to the calculation of pay. 

Rates of Fay. — The rates of pay for officers and men of 
the cavalry, forming numerically far the most important part 
of the army, have been already stated when dealing with the 
mansab system. The rates for Infantry and Artillery, so far 
as recorded, will be stated when we come to those branches 
of the service. 

Date from to hick Vay Draion. — On an officer being first 
appointed, if by his rank he was exempt from having his 



RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 13 

horses branded {dagli), his pay began from the date of 
confirmation {^nrz-i-miiknrrnf). If such branding were 
necessary, pay began from the date of branding (the day 
itself being excluded), and as soon as this condition had 
been complied with, a disbursement was made of one month's 
pay on account. Tn the case of promotion, if it were un- 
conditional, the rules were the same as above; if conditional, 
the pay began from the date of entering on office {Dastur- 
uU'Aml, B.M. 1641, fol. 37«, 58^^; id. 6599, fol. 1466, Dastur^ 
ul'inslia, 233). 

Conditional {Mashrut) and Unconditional {Bila-sliart) Tay, 
— Rank and pay might be given absolutely, or they might 
be conditional on the holding of some particular office. 
The temporary or mashrut ba khidmat rank was given as 
an addition to the permanent, bila-shart rank which a man 
already occupied. On ceasing to hold the office, such as 
that of governor {sUbahddr) or military magistrate {faujdar), 
the mashrut rank and pay were taken away. 

Pay always in Arrears, — In later times pay due from the 
imperial treasury to the mansabdars, as well as that due 
from the 7nansabdars to the private soldiers, was always 
in arrears. In fact, we should not go far wrong, I think, 
if we asserted that this was the case in the very best times. 
The reasons are obvious. More men were entertained than 
could be easily paid; Indian Mahomedans are very bad 
financiers; the habit of the East is to stave off payment 
by any expedient. To owe money to somebody seems in 
that country the normal condition of mankind. For 
example, even such a careful manager as Nizam-ul-Mulk, 
in his alleged testament, dated the 4th Jamadi II, 1161 h. 
(31st May, 1748), is credited with the boast that he "never 
withheld pay for more than three months'' ("Asiatick 
Miscellany," Calcutta, 1788, vol. iii, 160). Another reason 
for keeping the men in arrears may have been the feeling 
that they were thereby prevented from transferring their 
services to some other chief quite as readily as they might 



14 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

have done if there were nothing owing. Disturbances 
raised by troops clamouring for their pay were among the 
unfailing sequels to the disgrace or sudden death of a 
commander. The instances are too numerous to specify. 
On this head Haji Mustapha, Seir, iii, 35, note 29, says 
truly enough: — "The troops are wretchedly paid, twenty 
or thirty months of arrears being no rarity. The ministers, 
princes, and grandees always keep twice or thrice as many 
men as they have occasion for, and fancy that by with- 
holding the pay they concern the men in the preservation 
of their lord's life." We can also quote Lord Clive as to 
the state of things in the Bengal subah in 1757 ("Minutes 
of Select Committee of 1772," reprint, 52) — "There were 
great arrears due to the army by Siraj-ud-Daulah as well 
as by Mir Ja^far, and the sums amounted to three or four 
millions sterling. It is the custom of the country never 
to pay the army a fourth part of what they promise them ; 
and it is only in times of distress that the army can get 
paid at all, and that is the reason why their troops always 
behave so" (badly?). 

PciT/ in Naqd and in Jagir, — Pay {tnnkhoah : literally, 
tan 'body,' kjnoah 'need') might be either Naqd, that is, 
given in cash {naqd)-, or Jagir (literally, ja 'place,' glr, 
taking, from giriftan), that is an assignment {jaglf) of the 
land revenue of a certain number of villages {maiiza^) or 
of a subdivision {parganah). A certain number of officers 
and soldiers, chiefly those of the infantry and artillery, 
who were, as a rule, on the pay list of the emperor himself, 
were paid in cash. This seems to have been the case in 
all reigns up to quite the end. But the favourite mode 
of payment was by an assignment of the government 
revenue from land. Such an arrangement seems to have 
suited both parties. The State was a very centralized 
organization, fairly strong at the centre, but weak at the 
extremities. It was glad to be relieved of the duty of 
collecting and bringing in the revenue from distant places. 



RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 15 

This task was left to the jar/lrddr^ or holder of the jagir, 
and unless such a manmbdar were a great noble or high 
in imperial favour, the assignment was made on the most 
distant and most imperfectly subdued provinces. ^ On the 
other hand, a chance of dealing with land and handling 
the income from it, has had enormous attractions in all 
parts of the world, and in none more than in India. 
Nobles and officers by obtaining an assignment of revenue 
hoped to make certain of some income, instead of depending 
helplessly for payment on the good pleasure of the Court. 
Then in negotiating for a jagir there were all sorts of 
possibilities, A judicious bribe might secure to a man 
a larger jagtr than was his due; and if he were lucky, 
he might make it yield more than its nominal return. 
Many such considerations must have been present to their 
minds. Whatever be the true reasons, of this there can 
be no doubt, that the system was highly popular, and that 
the struggle for jagtr s was intensely keen. As 'Abd-ul-Jalil 
of Bilgram writes to his son: "Service has its foundation 
on 2i jagir; an employe without Tijaglr, might just as well 
be out of employ." ("Oriental Miscellany", Calcutta, 1798). 
A recent French writer, M. Emile Barbe, "Le Nabab Rene 
Madec," 117, speaking of a jaglr given in 1775, says: 
"Cette apparition des jaguirs dans I'Empire Mogol a son 
declin est un fait sociologique du plus haut interet." The 
system of jaglr grants may be an interesting sociological 
fact — as to that I have nothing to say for or against; but 
it was not introduced into the Mogol Empire during its 
decline. Jaglrs existed in that empire's most flourishing 
days, having been granted as early as Akbar (Blochmann, 
Ajn, i, 261), while under Shahjahan they existed on a 
most extensive scale. 

If the jaglr were a large one, the officer managed it 

' This may have been a development of Taimur's practice of granting 
the pay of his amirs from his frontier provinces. — Davy and White, 
"Institutes." 237. 



16 THE AKMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

through his own agents, who exercised on his behalf most 
of the functions of government. Such jaglrs were practically 
outside the control of the local governor or faujdar, and 
formed a sort of imperium in imperio. The disastrous effects 
of the system, in this aspect, need not be further dwelt on 
here. On the other hand, a small jaglr was more frequently 
left by the assignee in the hands of the faujdar, through 
whom the revenue demand was realized. Gradually, as the 
bonds of authority were relaxed from the centre, the faujdars 
and sUbahdars ignored more and more the claims of these 
assignees, and finally ceased to remit or make over to them 
any of the collections. 

I append here the first steps of ofiicial procedure followed 
in the grant of a ja(/tr. We are to suppose that one 
Khwajah Rahmatullah has been recalled from duty in some 
province, and that on appearing at court he has applied for 
a new jaglr. Through the Diwan-i-tan, a great officer at 
the head of one of the two revenue departments, a haqlqat, 
or Statement of Facts, was drawn up, in the following form 
(B.M. N^ 6599, foil. 156« to 157/^): — 

Statement {Haqiqat). 

Khwajah Rahmatullah, son of Khwajah Ahmad, a native 
of Balkh, who w^as attached to the standards in Province 
So-and-so, having come to the Presence in pursuance of 
the exalted orders, and the jagu which, up to such-and-such 
a harvest, was held by him in the said Province, having 
been granted to So-and-so, in this matter what is the order 
as to the tankhwah jagir of the above-named. 

[on the margin] \ ^i'^sentation {mulazamat) 

\ Day so-and-so, month so-and-so 
j Offering [nazar) 
\ 9 Muhrs (gold coins) and 
( 18 Rupees. 

This haqiqat was passed on by the Diwan-i-tan to the 



RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 17 

Diican-i'^ala (or wazTr). The latter placed it before the 
Emperor. If an order were given for a jaglr to be granted, 
the wazTr endorsed on the paper, "The pure and noble 
order issued to grant a jafir in tanlvhwaJi from the com- 
mencement of such-and-such a harvest." This paper then 
became the voucher for the chief clerk to the Diivan-i-tan, 
who wrote out a siyaha daal^ or Rough Estimate, as follows : 

Rough Estimate. 

Khwajah Ralimatullah, son of Khwajah Ahmad, of 
Balkh. Whereas he was on duty in Province So-and-so, 
and according to order has reached the Blessed Stirrup 
{i. e, the Court) — 

One thousand. Personal {zat) 
200 men. Horse {suivar) 
Pay in dams 

34 lakhs 

Personal Troopers 

{tabinan) 

18 lakhs 16 lakhs 

= Total, 34 lakhs. 

Feed of Four-footed animals {Khurdk-i'dawabb) remitted. 



Parganah So-and-so, Parganah So-and-so, 

situated in Province situated in Province 
So-and-so, So-and-so, 

20 lakhs of Dams. 14 lakhs of Dams. 

It will be seen, on referring to a previous page, that as 
the man was 1000 zdl, but had only 200 suwar rank, he 
was a third class Hazarl. By the table this gives him 
18 lakhs, and then 200 horsemen at 8000 dams each comes 
to 10 lakhs, making the 34 lakhs which are sanctioned in 
the above. 



18 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

The daul, or estimate, was made over to the diary-writer 
[waqi^'ah navis), who, after he had entered it in the loaqi'ah 
(diary), prepared an extract called a memorandum {y ad-das ht) 
for submission to the office of the confirmation of orders 
i^ars'i-mukarrar, lit. second petition). 'Y.\\q yad-dasht repeated 
the facts much in the same form as the haqlqat and the daul. 
On it the wazir wrote: "Let this be compared with the 
diary {icaqiah) and then sent on to the confirmation office 
i^arz-i'mukarrar)!' On the margin the diary-writer {icaqi^ah 
navis) then reported: "This yad-dasfd accords with the 
loaqiah!' Next the superintendent (darogliali) of the con- 
firmation office wrote : "On such-and-such a date of such- 
and-such a month of such-and-such a year this reached 
the confirmation office. The order given was — 'Approved.' '' 
We need not follow here the further fate of the order 
after it left the Court and reached the governor of the 
province referred to. 

Loans, Advances, and Gifts. — The technical name for a 
loan or advance of pay was vuisaadat (Steingass, 12:25, A, 
helping, favour, assistance, aid), and the conditions as to 
interest and repayment are given in Book ii, Ajn 15, 
of the Ajn-i'Akbarl (Blochmann, i, 265). Historians 
frequently mention the advance of money under this 
name. In later times, especially from the reign of Mu- 
hammad Shah, no commander ever took the field without 
the grant of the most liberal cash advances to meet his 
expenses. Possibly these were never repaid, or were from 
the first intended as free gifts. When we meet with the 
phrase tankkwali-i-inam, I presume that there can be no 
doubt of the payment being a gift. Here the word 
tankhwah seems to denote the order or cheque on the 
treasury, and the word ina'^m (gift, present), differentiates 
it from other tankhwah, which were in the nature of pay- 
ments to be repeated periodically. The recovery of loans 
and advances came under a head in the accounts called 
mutalibah (Steingass, 1259, asking, claim, due). Another 



RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 19 

terra of somewhat similar import, haz-yaft (Steingass, 146, 
the resumption of anything, a deduction, stoppage), seems 
to have been confined to the recovery of items put under 
objection in the revenue accounts by the mustaufls, or 
auditors. At one time the recovery of an advance was 
made from a man's pay in four instalments; but towards 
the end of ^Alamgir's reign, it was taken in eight instal- 
ments (B.M. NO. 1G4], fol. 58^). 

'Deductions. — Of these I have found the following: 
hasUr-i'do-datnl (fraction of the two dams), k/tarch-i-sikkah 
(expenses of minting), ayyam-i-Mlall (days of the moon's 
rise), Inssah'i-ijnas (share in kind), khurak-i-dawabb (feed 
of four-footed animals). 

KasUr-i-do-daml. — KasUr is, literally, fractions, deficiencies, 
faults. This item was a discount of five per cent., that is, 
of two dams in every forty, and therefore styled ''do-dami" 
(B.M. 1641, fol. 37«). The origin of this is to be found 
possibly in Akbar's five per cent, deductions from the AhadI 
troopers on account of horses and other expenses {Ajn, i, 
250, line 14). The rate of deduction is diff'erently stated 
in fol. 583, B.M. 1641, as four dams in the 100, if the officer 
drew seven or eight months' pay, and two dams in the 
100, if he drew less than that number of months. 

Kharch'i'Sikkah was also deducted : in ^Alamgir's reign the 
rates were Rs. 1 12a. Op. per cent, on Shahjahan's coinage, 
and Rs. 1 8a. Op. per cent, on the coin of the reigning 
emperor. Under the rules then in force, the Shahjahani 
coins, not being those of the reigning emperor, were 
uncurrent, and therefore subject to a discount. Why a 
deduction was made on the coins of the reigning emperor, 
is harder to explain. It was not till Farrukhsiyar's reign, 
1 believe, that the coinage was called in annually, from 
which time only coins of the current year were accepted, 
even by the government itself, at full face-value. 

Ayyain-i-I/ilaU. — This was a deduction of one day's pay 
in every month except Ramazan. Mansabdars, Ahadis, and 



20 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

harqandaz (matchlock men) were all subject to it. But, 
towards the end of 'Alamgir's reign, it was remitted until 
the Narbada was crossed, that is, I presume, so long as 
a man served in the Dakhin (B.M. 1641, fol. 55/5», 62^). 
The reason for making this deduction is difficult to fathom; 
and about the name itself there is some doubt. In the first 
of the two entries just quoted, I read the word as talafl 
(Steingass, 321, obtaining, making amends, compensation, 
reparation); but this variant, instead of throwing light on 
the subject, leaves it as obscure as before. 

Bissah't-ipias, — Jins (goods) is used in opposition to naqd 
(cash), and this item {hissah = share, ijnas = goods) seems 
to mean the part of a man's pay delivered to him in kind. 
Apparently this item did not apply to the cavalry. Tn the 
case of the matchlockmen, artillerymen, and artificers, the 
deduction was A if the man were mounted, and A if he 
were not. This represented the value of the rations supplied 
to him. There is another entry of rasad4-jins (supplies of 
food?), the exact nature of which I cannot determine (B.M. 
1641, fol. 62^). 

KhUrak-i-daioabb . — This is, literally, khurdJc, feed,dawabbj 
four-footed animals. It was a deduction from a mansahdars 
pay on account of a certain number of horses and elephants 
belonging to the emperor, with whose maintenance such 
officer was saddled. The germ of this exaction can, I think, 
be found in Akbar's system of making over elephants to the 
charge of grandees {Ajn, i, 126). "He (Akbar) therefore 
put several halkahs (groups of baggage elephants) in charge 
of every grandee, and required them to look after them." 
Akbar would seem to have paid the expenses ; but in process 
of time, we can suppose, the charge was transferred to the 
officer's shoulders entirely, and in the end he had to submit 
to the deduction without even the use of the animals being 
given to him. At any rate, the burden became a subject 
of great complaint. This is shown by a passage in Khafi 
Khan, ii, 602. 



RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 21 

"In the reign of 'Alamgir the mansahdars for a long 
period were reduced to wanting their evening meal, owing 
to the lowness of the assignments {paebaql) granted by the 
emperor. His stinginess reminds one of the proverb 'one 
pomegranate for a hundred sick men/ T/ak anar, sau hlmar. 
After many efforts and exertions, some small assignment 
{jac/rr) on the land revenue would be obtained. The lands 
were probably uncultivated, and the total income of the 
jaglr might not amount to a half or even a third of the 
money required for the expenses of the animals. If these 
were realized from the officer, whence could come the 
money to preserve his children and family from death by 
starvation? In spite of this, the Akhtah Begi (Master 
of the Horse) and other accursed clerks caused the cost 
of feeding the emperor's animals to be imposed on the 
mansahdars, and, imprisoning their agents at court, used 
force and oppression of all kinds to obtain the money. 

"When the agents (toaklls) complained, of this oppression 
to the emperor, the head of the elephant stables and the 
Akhtah Begi so impressed matters on the emperor's mind, 
that the complaints were not listened to, and all the men 
were reduced to such an extremity by this oppression, 
that the agents resigned their agency. In Bahadur Shah's 
reign, the Khan-i-Khanan decided that when the mansahdars 
received a jagir for their support, the number of dams 
required for the cost of feeding cattle should be deducted 
first from the total estimated income, and the balance should 
be assigned as the income. In this way, the obligation for 
meeting the cost of feeding the animals was entirely 
removed from the heads of the mansahdars and their agents. 
Indeed, to speak the truth, it was an order to absolve them 
from the cost of the cattle provender." Dowson (Elliot, 
vii, 403) could make nothing of this passage. 

In the case of officers below a certain rank, the deduction 
of kfmrak-i'daivahb was not made. The rule says that 
where the pay {tankfiwah) did not come up to 15 lakhs 



22 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

of dams, the deduction was not made; but apparently no 
lower rank than that of 400 zat, 200 smear, was liable. 
This rank would by the tables draw a pay of 20 lakhs 
of dams. As to the rate of deduction, the records are so 
obscure that I am unable to come to any conclusions. 
Sometimes we are told that the calculation was made at 
so many dams on each 100,000 dams of pay; at others, 
that for each 100,000 dams one riding and five baggage 
elephants were charged for. A distinction in rates was 
made between Mahomedans and Hindus, the former paying 
more; also between officers holding jac/irs in Hindustan 
and those holding them in the Dakhin and Ahmadabad, 
the former paying slightly less than the latter. 

Fines. — We come now to the subject of fines, which 
were of various sorts, such as tafawat-i-asp (deficiency in 
horses), tafawat-i-silali (deficiency in equipment), tafawat-i' 
tabinan (deficiency in troopers), also called, it would seem, 
Jcami'i-barddariy tawaqquf o ^adam-i'tashlhah (non-verifica- 
tion), saqatl (casualties), hartarafi (rejections). 

Tafaioat'i-asp. — This is literally "diff'erence of horses," 
and refers to a classification of horses by their breed and 
size, which will be referred to more fully under the head 
of Branding and Verification. In each rank or mansab a 
certain number of each class of horse had to be maintained, 
and if at Verification it was found that this regulation had 
not been complied with, the result was a fine. In the section 
on Branding I give the rates so far as recorded. 

Tafawat-i'silah. — This ''diff'erence in armour" was a fine 
for not producing at inspection arms and armour according 
to the required scale. The amount of fine and so forth 
I have stated further on under the head of Equipment. 

Tafawat-i-tablnan (diff'erence of followers) or kaml-i- 
baradarl (deficiency in relations) was a fine imposed on an 
officer for non-production of the number of men stipulated 
for by the suwar rank. The following rates are stated in 
BM. 1641, fol. 37«, and I presume that the deductions 



RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 



23 



apply to marisahdars as well as to Ahadis, and that they 
were made from the monthly pay for each man deficient, 
although the entry is so brief as to remain very obscure : — 



NuNBER OP Months for which Pay was Drawn. 



Four 
Months. 



PiVE 

Months. 



Six 
Months. 



Seven 
Months. 



Eight 
Months, 



Amount of fine in 
Rupees. 



R. A. P. 

2 8 



R. A. P. 

3 



R. A. P. 

4 



R. A. P. 

7 



R. A. P. 

8 



In another passage, fol. 41, the same authority explains 
the matter thus. In the twenty-first year of ^Alamgir, 
a report on this subject having been made, the emperor 
allowed a term of four turns of guard {chaukl) for a 
mansabdar to produce men of his own class or family 
{haradari), and for this period pay for the men was passed 
as if they had been present. But subsequently, on the first 
Rabf of the twenty-third year, the delay was extended 
to two months, and for the time during which such men 
were not actually present, pay at half-rates was sanctioned. 
All sham, — In the case of the Ahsham^ or troops belonging 
to the infantry and artillery, we have a little more definite 
information under this head (B.M. 1641, fol. 64r/). Officers 
of this class fell into three subdivisions, hazarl (of a 
thousand), sadiwal (hundred-man), and mirdahah (lord of 
ten). The first class was always mounted {suwar) and 
the second sometimes; these mounted officers might be 
two-horse {dUaspah) or only one-horse yakaspah) men. 
Working on these distinctions, we get the following scheme 
of pay. Duaspah Suwar : Where, inclusive of the officer's 
own retainers {k/idsah), there were one hundred men present 
per 100 of rank, pay was drawn at duaspah rates. But 
if the number were under fifty per 100 of rank, pay was 
passed to the hazarl as if he were a mounted sadiwal; 
subject to restoration to duaspah pay when his muster 



24 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

again conformed to the standard. Yakaspah-. If, including 
khasah men, tliere were fifty men present per 100 of rank, 
full pay was given ; if only thirty-one or under, then the 
Iiazari was paid as a sadiwdl piyadah (unmounted), and 
certain other deductions were made. Fiyadah (unmounted 
officer). — If a sadiical produced under thirty-one men out 
of his hundred, he received nothing but his rations. When 
the numbers rose above thirty, he was paid as a mirdahah 
till his full quota was mustered. In the case of a mirdahah^ 
the production of two men entitled him to his pay. If one 
man only was paraded for inspection, a deduction from the 
pay was made, varying, on conditions which I have not 
mastered, from one to three annas per man. 

Tawaqquf-i'tasJnhah (Delay in Verification). — The rules 
for Branding and Verification will be found further on. 
If the periods fixed were allov/ed to elapse without the 
verification having been made, a man was reported for 
delay; and then a mansahdar was cut the whole, and an 
ahadl the half, of his pay (B.M. 1641, fol. 58^). 

Saqatl and Bartarafi. — The first word is from saqat 
shudan 'to die' (applied to animals, Steingass, 687), and 
may be translated casualties. The other word means 
setting aside or rejecting, in other words to cast a horse 
as unfit. We find the groundwork of the saqatl system 
in the Ajn-i-Akban. Blochmann, i, 250. In later times 
there were the following rules for regulating pay in such 
cases. First it was seen whether the man was dUaspah 
(paid for two horses) or yahaspali (paid for one horse). 
In the first case, (1) if one horse died {saqat s/iavvad) or was 
cast {bar taraf shud), the man was paid at the yakaspah 
rate ; (2) if both horses died or were turned out, the man 
obtained his personal pay for one month, and if after one 
month he had still no horse, his personal pay was also 
stopped. In the second case, that of a yakaspah, if there 
were no horse, personal pay was disbursed for one month ; 
but after one month nothing was given (B.M. 1641), fol. 41«). 



RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 25 

If an ahndis horse died while he was at headquarters, 
the clerk of the casualties, after having inspected the 
hide, wrote out his certificate {saqat-namaJi), and pay was 
disbursed according to it. If the man were on detached 
duty when his horse died, the brand {dacjji), and the tail 
were sent in to headquarters (B.M. 1641, fol. 29/^). 

Other incidents of military service considered as affecting 
fay. — Among these may be mentioned: (1) Gliair-hazirl 
(absence without leave); (2) Bimarl (illness); (3) RuMsat 
(leave and furlough) ; (4) Fararl (desertion) ; (5) Bartarafl 
(discharge or resignation); (6) Pension; (7) Fautl (death). 

(1) Ghair-hazirl. — If a man were absent from three 
consecutive turns of guard {chauhi), his pay was cut; but 
if he did not attend the fourth time, the penalty was dis- 
missal, and all pay due was confiscated. Absence from night 
guard or at roll-call {jaizah) involved the loss of a day's 
pay. If absent at the time of the emperor's public or 
private audience, or on a day of festival i^ld)^ half a day's 
pay was taken (B.M. 1641, fol. 39«, 62/5). 

(2) Bimarl. — Absence on the ground of illness was over- 
looked for three turns of guard {chaukl), but after that 
period all pay was stopped, and a medical certificate (blmarl- 
namah) from a physician was demanded (B.M. 1641, fol. 
39«, 58«y The rule is somewhat differently stated in 
B.M. 6599, fol. 1636. 

(3) Buk/isat. — Men who went on leave for their own 
business received no pay while doing no duty (B.M. 1641, 
fol. 416). In another place in the same work, fol. 646, we find 
a different statement. We are there told that for one month 
a man received half-pay; if he overstayed his leave it was 
reduced to one-fifth or one-tenth ; and after three month's 
absence he was classed as an absconder. Leave on account 
of family rejoicings or mournings was allowed for one turn 
of duty; if the man were absent longer his pay was cut 
(B.M. 1641, fol. 39«). Again, on fol. 576, a rule is stated, 
of which I am not able to understand the bearing. It 



26 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

seems to be that not more than two months of arrears were 
to be paid to a man who took leave; but whether that means 
the arrears due to him when he left, or the pay accruing 
during his absence, I cannot say. 

(4) Farcin. — If, among the Ahslidm, an absconder who 
had been some time in the service, left after drawing his pay 
in full, the amount was shown on the margin (/^a^/zo) of the 
pay-bill {qahz) as recoverable, and one month's pay was 
realized from the man's surety. If a recruit absconded after 
drawing money on account, the whole advance was recovered, 
but a present of one month's pay was allowed. If a match- 
lockman deserted the service of one leader to enter that of 
another, he was cut half a month's pay {nim-mahah). But, 
if it w^ere found that the mirdahah or sadlwal, to whom he 
had gone, had induced him to desert, such officer had to pay 
the fine himself (B.M. 1641, fol. 64/^). Pay of absconders 
was reckoned up to the date of the last verification, and 
three month's time was allowed {idem, fol. 575). By the 
last phrase I understand that they were allowed that time 
to reappear, if they chose. If they were again entertained, 
their rations only were passed, that is, I presume, for the 
interval of absence {idem, fol. 645). 

(5) Bartarafi. — If the discharged mansabdar produced 
a clear verification roll, he received half of the pay of 
his zat rank, and the full pay of his horsemen {lablnan). 
Matchlockmen received their pay in full up to the date 
of discharge (B.M. 1641, fols. 575, 62«). 

(6) Tension. — So far as I have ascertained, there was 
no pension list, under that express name. No retiring 
allowances could be claimed as of right. When a man 
retired from active service, we hear sometimes of his 
being granted a daily or yearly allowance. Such was 
the case, for instance, when Nizam-ul-Mulk in Bahadur 
Shah's reign threw up the whole of his offices and titles, 
and retired into private life. But the ordinary method 
of providing for an old servant was to leave him till 



RULES CONNECTED WITH PAY AND ALLOWANCES. 27 

his death in undisturbed possession of his rank and jagir. 
(7) Pautl. — It seems that in the case of deaths a different 
rule prevailed, according to whether the death was a natural 
one or the man lost his life on active service. In the 
one case half-pay and in the other full-pay was disbursed 
to the heirs on the production of a certificate of heirship 
{waris-namah) attested by the qasl. 



CHAPTER III. 

REWARDS AND DISTINCTIONS. 

The promise of honorary distinctions has been in all 
ages and in all countries one of the most potent agencies 
employed to incite men to exertion. We have our medals, 
crosses, orders, and peerages. The Moghul sovereigns were 
even more ingenious in converting things mostly worthless 
in themselves into objects to be ardently striven for and 
dearly prized. Among these were: (1) Titles; (2) Robes of 
Honour ; (3) Gifts of Money and other articles ; (4) Kettle- 
drums; (5) Standards and Ensigns. 

i. Titles. — The system of entitlature was most elaborate 
and based on strict rule. This subject belongs, however, 
to the general scheme of government, and need not be set 
forth at length here. Suffice it to say, that a man would 
begin by becoming a Khan or Lord (added to his own 
name). After that, he might receive some name supposed 
to be appropriate to his qualities, coupled with the 
word Khan, such as Ikhlas Khan, Lord Sincerity; an 
artillery officer might be dubbed Ra'd-andaz Khan, Lord 
Thunder-thrower, or a skilful horseman, Yakah-Taz Khan, 
Lord Single Combat, and so on. Round such a title as 
a nucleus, accreted all the remaining titles with which a 
man might from time to time be invested. As the empire 
declined in strength, so did the titles increase in pomposity, 
and long before the end of the dynasty the discrepancy 
between a man's real qualities and his titles was so great 
as often to be ridiculous. Still, these titles were never given 



REWARDS AND DISTINCTIONS. 29 

quite at random, nor were they self-adopted. Yet [ read 
quite recently in a history of India, by a well-known and 
esteemed author, that one governor of Bengal was "a 
Brahman convert calling himself Murshid Kuli Khan." 
Now Murshid Quli Khan no more called himself by that 
name than has Earl Roberts of Candahar called himself 
by the title he bears. Both titles were derived from the 
accepted fountain of honour, the sovereigns of the states 
which those bearing them respectively served. 

(2) Robes of Honour. — The khild't was not peculiar to the 
military department. These robes of honour were given 
to everyone presented at court. Distinction was, however, 
made according to the position of the receiver. There 
were five degrees of hhilat, those of three, five, six, or 
seven pieces; or they might as a special mark of favour 
consist of clothes that the emperor had actually worn 
{nialbUs-i'khas). A three-piece khilat^ given from the 
general wardrobe [khilat-khanah), consisted of a turban 
{(lasidr), a long coat with very full skirts {jamah), and 
a scarf for the waist (kamrband). A five-piece robe came 
from the toshah-khanah (storehouse for presents), the extra 
pieces being a turban ornament called a sarpech and a band 
for tying across the turban {balaband). For the next grade 
a tight-fitting jacket with short sleeves, called a Half-sleeve 
{nlmah-aslln), was added. A European writer, Tavernier 
(Ball, i, J 63), thus details the seven-piece khila^t; (l)acap, 
(2) a long gown (ka^bah), (3) a close-fitting coat [arkaloii), 
which 1 take to be alkhaliq, a tight coat, (4) two pairs of 
trousers, (5) two shirts, (6) two girdles, (7) a scarf for 
the head or neck. 

(3) Gifts, other than money. — These were naturally of 
considerable variety. I have drawn up the following list 
from Danishmand Khan's history of the first two years 
of Bahadur Shah's reign (1708 — 1710): Jewelled ornaments, 
weapons, principally swords and daggers with jewelled 
hilts, palkis with fringes of gold lace and pearls, horses 



30 THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

with gold-mounted and jewelled trappings, and elephants. 
The order in which the above are given indicates roughly 
both the frequency with which these presents were granted 
and the relative value set upon them, beginning with those 
most frequently given and the least esteemed. 

(4) Kettledrums. — As one of the attributes of sovereignty, 
kettledrums were beaten at the head of the army when the 
emperor was on the march; and in quarters they were 
beaten every three hours at the gate of his camp. The 
instruments in use, in addition to the drums, will be found 
in the Ajn-i-Jkbarl (Blochmann, i, 51). As a mark of 
favour, kettledrums {nagqarah) ^ and the right to play them 
{naubat) might be granted to a subject. But he must be 
a man of the rank of 2000 smoar or upwards. As an 
invariable condition, moreover, it was stipulated that they 
should never be used where the emperor was present, nor 
within a certain distance from his residence. Marching 
through the middle of Dihli with drums beating was one 
of the signs by which Sayyad Husain ''Ali Khan, Amir-ul- 
Umara, notified defiance of constituted authority, when 
he returned from the Dakhin in 1719, preparatory to 
dethroning the Emperor Farrukhsiyar. The drums when 
granted were placed on the recipient's back, and, thus 
accoutred, he did homage for them in the public audience 
hall. In Lord Lake's case the investment was thus carried 
out : . "Two small drums of silver, each about the size of 
a thirty-two pound shot, the apertures covered with parch- 
ments, are hung round the neck of the person on whom 
the honour is conferred, then struck a few times, after 
which drums of the proper size are made." — Thorn, ''War," 
356. There is on record another instance of miniature 
drums being used in this way, as a symbol. When con- 
ferring on him the right to the naubat, Ahmad Shah 
(1748 — 1754) gave such drums to Daim Khan, a favorite 

* Khushhal Chand, Berlin ms. 495, fol. 41266 uses the word kurkah, 
(Steingass, 1060, T, "a big drum"). 



REWARDS AND DISTINCTIONS. 31 

chela of Ahmad Khan, Bangasli, of Farrukhabad. ("Bangash 
Nawabs," Journal A. S. B., 1879, p. 161.) 

(5) lUacis and Ensigns. — The flags and ensigns displayed, 
along with a supply of spare weapons, at the door of 
the audience hall and at the entrance to the emperor's 
encampment, or carried before him on elephants, were 
called collectively the Qur (Pavet de Courteille, ''Diet.," 425, 
ceinture, arme, garde), and their charge was committed to 
a responsible officer called the QUr-begl. An alternative 
general name sometimes employed was mdhl'O-maratib (Fish 
and Dignities), or more rarely, the panjah (literally. Open 
Hand). It is, no doubt, the Qur which Gemelli Careri 
describes thus (French ed. iii, 182): "Outside the audience 
tent I saw nine men in red velvet coats embroidered with 
gold, with wide sleeves and pointed collars hanging 
down behind, who carried the imperial ensigns displayed 
at the end of pikes. The man in the middle carried a 
sun, the two on each side of him had each a gilt hand, 
the next two carried horse-tails dyed red. The remaining 
four, having covers on their pikes, it could not be seen 
what it was they held." 

In the Ain, i, 50, we are told of eight ensigns of 
royalty, of which the first four were reserved exclusively for 
the sovereign. The use of the others might, we must assume, 
be granted to subjects. The eight ensigns are — (1) Aarang, 
the throne; (2) G/iatr, the State umbrella; (3) Saiban or 
Aftabgir, a sunshade; (4) Kaiikaba/i (plate ix, N". 2); 
(5) \4lam, or flag; (6) Chatr~tok, or yak-tails ; (7) 
Tuman-toh, another shape of yak-tails ; (8) Jltanda, or 
Indian flag. To these we must add (9) Mdhi-0'7nardHb, 
or the fish and dignities. 

The origin and meaning of the diff'erent ensigns 
displayed by the Moghul Emperors in India have been 
thus described, Mirdt-ul-Isiildh, fol. 5 : — 

(1) Panjah, an open hand, is said to mean the hand 
of ""All. Taimur ordered it to be carried before him for 



32 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

a charm and as a sacred relic. It was said that he 
captured it when he overcame the Siyahposh tribe. In 
17o3 Gentil saw four different ''pondjehs" {ie, pnnjahs) 
carried on horseback in Salabat Jang's cavalcade ; they were 
copper hands fixed on the end of a stafi" ("Memoires," 61). 

(2) ^Alam, a flag or standard. — This was supposed to 
be the flag of Husain, and obtained by Taimur at 
Karbalah. To it he attributed his victory over Bayazid, 
the Kaisar of Rum. 

(3) Mizdn, a balance, was a reference to the equal 
scales of Justice, and was adopted as having been the 
emblem of Nushirwan the Just. There is a figure on 
a plate in Gen til's "Memoires," which is probably the M'lzan. 

(4) Jftab, or Sun, was obtained from the fire-worshippers 
when they were conquered; it was an article used in their 
worship. 

(5, 6) Azhdaha-paikar, Dragon-face. — From the time of 
Sikandar of the Two Horns, the rajahs of Hind had wor- 
shipped this emblem in their temples, and when Taimur 
made his irruption into India it was presented to him as 
an oflPering. It consisted of two pieces, one carried in front 
and the other behind the emperor. 

(7) Mahl, or Fish, was said to have been an ofiering from 
the islands of the ocean, where it was worshipped. 

(8) Qumqumah (Steingass, 989, a bowl, a jug, a round 
shade, a lantern). — This also was obtained from the Indian 
rajahs. The Ajn-i-Akbarl, i, 50, has kaukahah for apparently 
the same thing (see figure N^. 2 on plate ix). There is also 
w^hat looks like the kaukahah in a plate in Gentil's ^^Memoires." 
The definition of kaukahah in Steingass, 1063, corresponds 
with the figure in the Ajn, viz. '^a polished steel ball 
suspended from a long pole and carried as an ensign before 
the king." Careri, iii, 182, tells us that he saw a golden 
ball hanging by a chain between two gilt hands, and adds 
that "it was a royal ensign carried on an elephant when 
the army was on the march." 



RFAVARDS AND DISTINCTIONS. 33 

All these emblems, we are told, were carried before the 
emperor as a sign of conquest over the Seven Climes, or, 
in other words, over the whole world. 

Mahl-o-maralih. — Some words must be added with special 
reference to this dignity, which was borne on elephants or 
camels in a man's retinue. It was one of the very highest 
honours, as it was not granted to nobles below the rank 
of 6000 zat, 6000 suwar {Miral-ul-Istilah, fol. 3). Main 
(literally, a fish), was made in the figure of a fish, four 
feet in length, of copper gilt, and it was placed horizontally 
on the point of a spear {Seir, i, 218, note 150, and 743, note 
51). Steingass, 1,147, defines mahl-mardtib as ''certain 
honours denoted by the figure of a fish with other insignia 
(two balls)." But in careful writers T have always found 
it as ma/n-o-niaratib, "fish and dignities," and, as I take 
it, the first word refers to the fish emblem and the second 
to the balls or other adjuncts which went with it. The 
maratib Thorn, "War," 356, describes as a ball of copper gilt 
encircled by a jhalar or fringe about two feet in length, 
placed on a long pole, and, like the main, carried on an 
elephant. Can this be Gemelli Careri's "golden ball"? 
Perhaps it was identical with the qumqumah or kaukabah 
already described above. The translator of the Seir-Mutaq- 
herin^ i, 218, note 150, tells us that the fish was always 
accompanied by the figure of a man's head in copper gilt. 
This must have been in addition to the gilt balls. The 
mahl, as conferred on Lord Lake on the 14th August, 1804 
(Thorn, "War," 356), is described as "representing a fish with 
a head of gilt copper and the body and tail formed of silk, 
fixed to a long staff" and carried on an elephant." James 
Skinner, who recovered MahadajT-Sendhia's mahi-o-maraiib 
in a fight with the Rajputs, speaks of it as "a brass fish 
with two chourees (horse-hair tails) hanging to it like 
moustachios" (Fraser, -'Memoir," i, 152). Gentil, "Memoires," 
62, calls the main simply "the head of a fish on the end 
of a pole." As a sign of the rarity of this dignity, he 



34 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

adds that while in the Dakhin (1752 — 1761) he only saw 
four of them. 

8her-maralih^ or lion dignity. — This is a name only found, 
so far as I know, in Gentil, ''iMemoires," 62; and he only saw 
it displayed by Salabat Jang, nazim of the Dakhin. At the 
head of the dedication of the above work to the memory of 
Shuja'-ud-Daulah, are the figures of two elephants; one 
of which bears a standard that is most likely identical with 
this Sher-maratib. The flag bears a lion embroidered on it, 
and the head of the staff is adorned with the figure of 
a lion. 

^Alam. — The flags seem to have been triangular in shape, 
either scarlet or green in colour, having a figure embroidered 
in gold and a gold fringe. The staff* was surmounted by 
a figure corresponding to the one embroidered on the flag. 
A plate in Gen til's "Memoires"showsfour of these embroidered 
emblems — l^t, a panjah, or open hand; 2"^^, a man's face 
with rays; Si'd, a lion {sher); and 4tti, a fish. A flag, or 
^alam^ could be granted to no man under the rank of 1000 
smear. 

Aftahgirl, — This sun screen {aftab, sun; gir, root of 
c/irifian, to take), shaped like an open palm-leaf fan, was 
also called Suraj-mukhl (Hindi, literally, sun-face). By 
the Moghul rules it could only be granted to royal princes 
{Mirat'ul'Istilah, fol. 3). In the eighteenth century, how- 
ever, the Mahrattas adopted it as one of their commonest 
ensigns, and even the smallest group of their cavalry was 
in the habit of carrying one. 

Tuman-togh. — This is one of the two togh mentioned in 
Akbar's list, Ajn i, 50, and figured on plate ix of that 
volume. Pavet de Courteille, "Diet.," 236, has ^y>' {togh)^ 
"etendard se composant d'une queue de (j/.LLjj {qatds) ou 
boeuf de montagne {i. e. yak) fixee a une hampe, au dessus 
d'un pavilion triangulaire." This yak's-tail standard was 
not unfrequently granted to officers of rank, by whom it 
was esteemed a high honour. The togh consisted generally 



REWARDS AND DISTINCTIONS. 35 

of three tails attached to a cross-bar, which was fixed at the 
end of a long pole or staff. 

Summary. — Thus, apart from titles or money rewards, or 
ordinary gifts, a man might be awarded any of the following 
honorary distinctions, of a more permanent character — (1) 
the right to carry a flag or simple standard, (2) the right 
to display a yak-tail standard, (3) the right to use kettle- 
drums and beat the naubat, (4) the right to display the 
fish and its accompanying emblems, (5) the right to use a 
litter adorned with gold fringes and strings of pearls. Of 
course, all these things were dependent on the caprice of 
the monarch ; for in the Moghul, like in all Oriental states — 
Ba yak nuldah 7nahram {^j^^^) mujrwi (c^^) shavvad-. By 
one spot "confidant" becomes "criminal." 



CHAPTER IV. 

PROCEDURE ON ENTERING THE SERVICE. 

Single men who resorted to the Court in the hope of 
obtaining employment in the army, were obliged first to seek 
a patron. A man generally attached himself to a chief from 
his own country or of his own race: Mughals became the 
follfcrwers of Mughals, Persians of Persians, Afghans of 
Afghans, and so forth. On this point there were certain 
customary rules, which are thus stated by Khushhal Chand, 
Berlin Ms. 495, fol. 10723. A noble from Mawar-un-nahr 
recruited none but Mughals ; if from Iran, he might have 
one third Mughals and the remainder Sayyads and Shekhs, 
or if he took Af^ans and Rajputs, of the former he might 
entertain one sixth and of the latter, one seventh of his 
total number. Nobles who were Sayyads or Shekhs might 
enlist their own tribe, or up to one sixth they might take 
Afghans. Afghans themselves might have one half Afghans 
and the other half Mughals and Shekhzadahs. Rajputs made 
up their whole force of Rajputs. At times men of high 
rank who desired to increase their forces would remit large 
sums of money to the country with which they were 
specially connected, and thereby induce recruits of a 
particular class to flock to their standard. For instance, in 
the reign of Muhammad Shah (1719—1748), Muhammad 
Khan, Bangash, filled his ranks in this way with men 
from the Bangash country and with Afridi Pathans. 
According to a man's reputation or connections, or the 
number of his followers, would be the rank {mansab) 
assigned to him. As a rule, his followers brought their 



PROCEDURE ON ENTERING THE SERVICE. 37 

own horses and other equipment; but sometimes a man 
with a little money would buy extra horses and mount 
relations or dependents upon them. When this was the 
case, the man riding his own horse was called, in later 
parlance, a si/aJ/dar (literally, equipment-holder), and one 
riding somebody else's horse was a Ijarf/ir (burdentaker). 
The horses and equipment were as often as not procured 
by borrowed money ; and not unfrequently the chief him- 
self made the advances, which were afterwards recovered 
from the man's pay. The candidate for employment, having 
found a patron, next obtained through this man's influence 
an introduction to the BakJisln-ul-mamalik or Mir Bakhshl, 
in whose hands lay the presentation of new men to the 
emperor, and on his verdict a great deal depended as to 
the rank {mansab) which might be accorded. 

The Bakhshl. — This officer's title is translated into 
English sometimes by Paymaster-General, at others by 
Adjutant-General or Commander-in-Chief. ^ None of these 
titles gives an exact idea of his functions. He was not a 
Paymaster, except in the sense that he usually suggested 
the rank to which a man should be appointed or pro- 
moted, and perhaps countersigned the pay-bills. But the 
actual disbursement of pay belonged to other departments. 
Adjutant-General is somewhat nearer to correctness. 
Commander-in-Chief he was not. He might be sent on 
a campaign in supreme command ; and if neither emperor, 
vicegerent {wakil-i-mutlaq), nor chief minister {ivazlr) was 
present, the command fell to him. But the only true 
Commander-in-Chief was the emperor himself, replaced 
in his absence by the wahl or the wazir. The word 
Bakhshl means 'the giver,' from bakhshidan, P. 'to bestow,' 
that is, he was the giver of the gift of employment in 
camps and armies {Dastur-ui-lnsha, 232); or might it not 
better be connected wdth another meaning, ''to divide into 
shares, to distribute," making Bakhshl to equal "the 

1 Blochmann, A'lyi^ i, 161, has Paymaster and Adjutant-General. 



38 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

distributor, the divider into shares?" In Persia the same 
official was styled 'The Petitioner' i^ariz). This name 
indicates that it was his special business to bring into the 
presence of the emperor anyone seeking for employment 
or promotion, and there to state the facts connected with 
that man's case. Probably the use of the words Mir ^Arz 
in two places in the Ajn-i-Akbarl (Blochmann, i, 257, 259) 
are instances of the Persian name being applied to the 
officer afterwards called a Bakhhl. The first BaHshl 
(for there were four) seems to have received, almost as of 
right, the title of Amlr-ul-umara (Noble of Nobles); and 
from the reign of ""AlamgTr onwards, I find no instance 
of this title being granted to more than one man at a time, 
though in Akbar's reign such appears to have been the 
case {Ain, i, 240, Blochraann's note). 

Duties of the Bahhshl-ul-mamalik. — These duties com- 
prised the recruiting of the army; maintaining a list 
of mmisnhdars with their postings, showing (1) officers 
at Court, (2) officers in the provinces; keeping a roster 
of the guard-mounting at the palace; preparing the rules 
as to grants of pay {tankhwali)\ keeping up a list of 
officers paid in cash, and an abstract of the total pay- 
bills; the superintendence of the mustering for branding 
and verifying the troopers' horses and the orders subsidiary 
thereto; the preparation of the register of absentees, with 
or without leave, of deaths, and dismissals, of cash advances, 
of demands due from officers {mutalibah), of sureties pro- 
duced by officers, and the issue of written orders {dastak) 
to officers sent on duty into the provinces. ^ One special 
duty belonging to the Bakhshl was, in preparation for a 
great battle, to assign posts to the several commanders 
in the van, centre, wings, or rearguard. The Bakhshi was 
also expected on the morning of a battle to lay before 
the emperor a present state or muster roll, giving the 

1 Dastur-ul-Insha, 232, Dastur-ul-^Aml, B.M. 6599, fol. 159a, and B.M. 
1641, fols. 28, and 176 to 22a. 



PROCEDURE ON P^NTERTNG THE SERVICE. 39 

exact number of men under each commander in each 
division of the fighting line. 

TJk; ol/icr Hakh/m. — l^csides the First /?/7^//6'//e, ordinarily 
holding the title of Amir'iil'Uinnra^ and styled either 
Bdklifsln-ul'maiiialik (B. of the Realms) or Mir Bnkh/n 
(Lord B.), there were three other Bak/m/iu at head- 
quarters. It is a little difficult to fix upon the points 
which distinguished their duties from those of the First 
Bakhshl. The Second Bakhsid, usually styled Bakl/s/n- 
ul-mulk (B. of the Kingdom), was also called the Bakhshl- 
i-tan. ^ As tan (literally, body) was a contraction for 
tankhicah^ pay (literally tan^ body, khioah, desire, need), 
it might be supposed that his duties were connected 
with the records of jaglrs, or revenue assignments granted 
in lieu of pay, just as in the revenue department the 
accounts of these grants were under a special officer, 
the Diivan-i'tan. But on examining such details of the 
Second Bakhshis duties as are forthcoming, 1 find that 
this supposition does not hold good. On the whole, the 
duties of the First, Second, and Third Bakhshis seem to 
have covered much the same ground. The main distinction, 
perhaps, was that the Second Bakhshl dealt more with 
the recruiting and promotion of the smaller men, while 
only those above a certain rank were brought forward 
by the Mir Bakhshl. The Second Bakhshl was, it w^ould 
appear, solely responsible for the bonds taken from officers, 
a practice common to all branches and ranks of the 
imperial service. His office would seem also to have been 
used to some extent as a checking office on that of the 
First Bakhshl, many documents requiring his seal in 
addition to that of the Mir Bakhshl, and copies of many 
others being filed with him. The same remarks apply 
generally to the Third Bakhshl, the greatest diff'erence 

1 Danishmand Khan, 18ih Shawwal 1119, Khafi Khan, ii, 601, Yahya 
Khan, fol. 114a. 



40 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

being perhaps that he took up only such recruiting work 
as was specially entrusted to him, and that whatever he 
did required to be counter-sealed by the First and Second 
Bakhs/ds. His duties were on altogether a smaller scale 
than those of the other two. 

From the details in one work, DasfUr-ul-^Aml, B.M. 
1641, fols. 28/5, 29«, it might be inferred that the Second 
Bakhsh'is duties were connected with the Jhnais, or 
gentlemen troopers serving singly in the emperor's own 
service. The difficulty, however, at once arises that the 
Fourth Bakhshl had as his alternative title that of Bakhshi 
of the Ahadis. The third Bakhsh was also called occasionally 
Bakhshl of the IV Wa Shahls, that is of the household troops, 
men raised and paid by the emperor out of his privy purse. ^ 

Provincial and other Bakhsh'is. — In addition to the 
Bakhshis at headquarters there were officers with similar 
functions attached to the governor of every province. 
With the office of provincial Bakhshl was usually combined 
that of Waqi ah-nigar , or Writer of the Official Diary. 
And in imitation of the imperial establishments, each great 
noble had his own Bakhslii, who performed for him the 
same functions as those executed for the emperor by the 
imperial Bakhshis. 

First Appointment of an Officer. — On one of the appointed 
days, the Bakhshi laid before His Majesty a written 
statement, prepared in the office beforehand and called 
a Eaqiqat (statement, account, narration, explanation). 
The man's services having been accepted, the emperor's 
order was written across this paper directing the man 
to appear, and a few days afterwards the candidate 
presented himself in the audience-hall and made his 
obeisance. When his turn came the candidate was brought 
forward, and the final order was passed. The following 
is a specimen of a Haqlqat, with the orders upon it: — 

1 Kamwar Khan^ entry of l^t Jamadi I, 1119. 



PROCEDDRE ON ENTERING THE SERVICE. 41 



Report 

is made that So-and-So, son of So-and-so, in hope of serving 
in the Imperial Court, has arrived at the place of prostration 
attached to the Blessed Stirrup {i. e. the Court). In respect 
of him what are the orders? 

[First Order.] The noble, pure, and exalted order issued 
that the above-named be brought before the luminous 
eye {i. e. of His Majesty), and he will be exalted 
according to his circumstances. 
[Second Order in two or three days' time.] To day the 
aforesaid passed before the noble sight; he was 
selected for the rank {mansab) of One Thousand, Two 
Hundred Horse (suwar). 

The next step was the issue of a Tasdiq, or Certificate, 
from the Bakhslns office, on which the Bakhshi wrote his 
order. It was in the following form : — 

Certifies 

as follows, that So-and-So, son of So-and-so, on such-and-such 
a date, of such-and-such a year, in the hope of serving in 
this homage-receiving Court, arrived at the Blessed Stirrup 
and passed before the luminous sight. The order, to which 
the world is obsequious and the universe submissive, was 
issued that he be raised to the rank (jnansnb) of one Thou- 
sand, Two Hundred Horse {suwar). 

One Thousand, zat. 

Two Hundred, siiwdr. 
[Order thereon of the BcMsJn^ Let it be incorporated 
in the Record of Events {Waqi^ah). 

On the arrival of the Certificate {Tasdlq) in the office 
of the JFaqiahnigar, or Diary Writer, he made an appro- 
priate entry in his record and furnished an extract therefrom, 



42 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS 

which bore the name of a Yal-da^I/t, or MemoraniUim. In 
form it was as follows: — 

Memorandum {Yad-daslii). 

On such-and-such a date, such-and-such a day of the 
week, such-and-such a month, such-and-such a year, in the 
department {risalah) of One endowed with Valour, a Shelter 
of the Courageous, the Object of various Imperial Condes- 
censions, Submissive to the Equity of the world-governing 
favours, the Bakhshi of the Realms So-and-so, and during 
the term of duty as Event Writer of this lowliest of the 
slaves So-and-so, it was reduced to writing that So-and-so, 
son of So-and-so, having come to the place of prostration 
in the hope of service at the Imperial Court, on such- 
and-such a date passed before the pure and noble sight. 
The world-compelling, universe-constraining order obtained 
the honour of issue, that he be raised to and selected for 
the rank {ma7isab) of One Thousand Personal {zat) and Two 
Hundred Horsemen {suioar) in the chain {silk) of rank- 
holders {mansabddran), — On such-and-such a date, in 
accordance with the Certificate Tasdlq), this Memorandum 
{Yad-ddsht) was penned. 

One Thousand, zdt. 
Two Hundred, suwdr. 

I. [Order of the WazTr.] 

After comparing it with the Diary ( Waqtali), let it 
be sent to the Office of Revision CArz4-7nukarrar). 

II. [Report of the Event Writer.] 

Agrees with the diary {Waqt'ah). 

IH. [Order of the Superintendent of Revision, literally 
Renewed Petition {^ Arz-i-mukarrar)^ 

On such-and-such a date, of such-and-such a month, 
of such-and-such a year, it was brought up for 
the second time. 



PROCEDURE ON ENTERING THE SERVICE. 43 

In the later notices of the system we find few mentions 
of the paper called in the Jin (Blochmrmn, i, 25^) the 
ta^liqa//, which was, it seems, an abridgment of the Yad-dasht, 
This paper the tdliqah^ formed at that time the executive 
order issued to the officer concerned {Ajn^ i, 255). I have 
found tdhqnh used once in this sense as late as 1127 h. 
(1716), by Sayyad ^Abd-ul-Jalil, BilgramT, in his letters 
sent from Dihli to his son, ''Oriental Miscellany," Calcutta, 
1798, p. 247). 

The Jhadls. — Midway between the nobles or leaders 
{mansahdars) with the horsemen under them {(abwdn) on 
the one hand, and the Ahshani^ or infantry, artillery, and 
artificers on the other, stood the Ahadl, or gentleman 
trooper. The word is literally 'single' or 'alone' (A. aliad, 
one). It is easy to see why this name was applied to 
them; they off'ered their services singly, they did not 
attach themselves to any chief, thus forming a class apart 
from the iablndn; but as they were horsemen, they stood 
equally apart from the specialized services included under 
the remaining head of Ahsham. The title of Ahadi was 
given, we are told {Seir, i, 262, note 201), to the men 
serving singly "because they have the emperor for their 
immediate colonel." We sometimes come across the name 
Yakkah-taz (riding alone), which seems, when employed as 
the name of a class of troops, to mean the same body of 
men as the Ahadis. Horn, 20, 56, looks on the Ahadis as 
a sort of body-guard or corps d' elite-, and in some ways 
that view may be taken as true, though there was not, 
as I think, any formal recognition of them as such. The 
basis of their organization under Akbar is set out in Jjn 4 
of Book ii (Blochmann, i, 249), and they are referred to 
in several other places (i, 20, 161, 231, 246, 536). In the 
strictest sense, the body-guard, or defenders of the imperial 
person, seem to have been the men known as the Wdld 
Shdhl (literally, of or belonging to the Exalted King), and, 
no doubt, these are the four thousand men referred to by 



44 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Manucci ('^Catrou," English ed. of 1826, p. 297) as 'the 
emperor's slaves.' ^ Whether slaves or not, the fVala S/ia/il 
were the most trusted troops of the reigning sovereign. 
From various passages I find that they were chiefly, if 
not entirely, men who had been attached to his person 
from his youth and had served under him while he was 
still only a royal prince, and were thus marked out in a 
special manner as his personal adherents and household 
troops. The Yasaivnls or armed palace guards were some- 
thing like the Wala S/ialil so ;far as they were charged 
with the safety of the sovereign; but they difl'ered from 
the latter in not having the same personal connection with 
him. The Ahadis received somewhat higher pay than common 
troopers. In one instance we are told expressly what those 
rates were in later times. On the 2^^^ SRfar of his second 
year (1120 h. = 22nd April, 1708), Bahadur Shah, as 
Danishmand Khan tells us, ordered the enlistment of 
4,700 extra Aliadu at Rs. 40 a month, the money to be 
paid from the Exchequer. 

Towards the end of the eighteenth century the household 
troops, we are told, 8eir, i, 94, note 90, amounted to 40,000 
men, all cavalry, but usually serving on foot in the citadel and 
in the palace. They consisted then of several corps besides 
the Ahadis, such as the Surk/i-posh (wearers of red), the 
SuUanl (Royal), the Wala Sha/il (High Imperial), the 
Kamal-pos/i (Blanket Wearers). Haji Mustapha is not, 
however, quite consistent with himself, for elsewhere {Seir, 
i, 262, note 201), when naming still another corps, the 
A^la Sha/n (Exalted Imperial), he asserts that the Surkh- 
posh were all infantry, eight thousand in number. The 
curious title used above, Kamal-posh, comes from the Hindi 
word himmal, a coarse blanket, having also the secondary 
meaning of a kind of cuirass {Seir, i, 143, note 105). The 
latter is no doubt the signification here. 

^ The word meant may be Bandahhae, or, perhaps preferably, the Qui, 
the Chaghatae for 'slave.' — P. de Courteille, 433. 



CHAPTER V. 

BRANDING AND VERIFICATION, 

False musters were an evil from which the Moghul army- 
suffered even in its most palmy days. Nobles would lend 
each other the men to make up their quota, or needy idlers 
from the bazaars would be mounted on the first baggage 
pony that came to hand and counted in with the others 
as efficient soldiers. Great efforts were made to cope with 
this evil, and in the earlier times with some success. In 
the later reigns, notably from the middle of Muhammad 
Shah's reign (1719 — 1748), all such precautions fell into 
abeyance, amid the general confusion and ever-deepening 
corruption. By 1174 H. (1761) the system had so entirely 
disappeared from the suhah of Ahmadabad, that clerks 
acquainted with the rules could not be found there {Mir at- 
i'Ahmadl, ii, 118). 

Mustapha, the translator of the Blyar-ul-ynuiakhann, gives 
us an instance of the length to which this cheating was 
carried {Seir; i, 609, note). In Bengal, in the year 1163 h. 
(1750), when 'All Wirdi Khan, Mahabat Jang, was nazim, 
an officer receiving pay for 1700 men could not muster more 
than seventy or eighty. Mustapha, who wrote in 1787 — 8, 
adds from his own experience — "Such are, without exception, 
all the armies and all the troops of India; and were we to 
rate by this rule those armies of 50,000 and 100,000 that 
fought or were slaughtered at the decisive battles of Palasi 
rPlassy] and Baksar [Buxar] (and by some such rule they 
must be rated), we would have incredible deductions to make. 
Such a rule, however, would not answer for Mir Qasim's 
troops (1760 — 1764), where there was not one single false 



46 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

muster, nor would it answer for Haidar ""All's armies." 
The admitted difference between recorded and actual numbers 
is emphazised by Khushhal Chand's expression, Berlin Ms. 
495, fol. ]09la, MaujUdl, nak kaghazi, "actually present, 
not merely on paper", used in reference to the force brought to 
Dihli by Burhan-ul-mulk at the time of Nadir Shah's invasion. 
It was to put down these evil practices that the emperor 
Akbar revived and enforced more strictly than before a 
system of descriptive rolls of men and horses, the latter 
being branded with a hot iron before they were passed for 
service. This branding, with the consequent periodical 
musters for the purpose of comparison and verification, 
formed a separate department under the Bakhshi with its 
own superintendent [daroghali), and this was known as 
the dagh'O-tasUhah, from dagJi, a brand, a mark, and 
tashihah, verification. The usual phrase for enlisting was 
asp ba dag/i rasanidan, "bringing a horse to be branded." 
Branding was first introduced by ""Ala-ud-din Khilji in 
712 H. = May, 1312— April, 1313, but on his dea'tii it was 
dropped {DastUr-ul-Insha, 233). The emperor Sher Shah, 
Afghan, started it again in 948 h. = April, 1541— April, 1542. 
Akbar {Aj7i, i, 233) re-established the practice in the 
eighteenth year of his reign (about 981 h., 1573 — 4), and 
it was continued until the time when the whole system 
of government finally broke down in the middle of the 
eighteenth century. At first many difficulties were made 
{Dastur-ul-Insha, 234), and evasions were attempted, but 
at length the system was made effective. The great nobles, 
holding the rank of 5000 and upwards, were exempt from 
the operation of these rules; but when ordered, they were 
expected to parade their horsemen for inspection (Z>«AV^7r-2^/- 
'Aml, B.M., NO. 6599, fol. 144^). The technical name for 
these parades was »X:^a maliallah (Steingass, 1 1 90), a word 
evidently connected with that used in Akbar's time for 
branding, viz. dagh-o-mahaUl {Ajn, i, 242 ; Budaonl, ii, 
190). The germ of the dagh system may perhaps be found 



BRANDING AND VERIFICATION. 47 

in the practice in Transoxiana of annually branding the 
colts. This was done so far back as the twelfth century; 
see E. G. Browne on the Cliahar Maqalah of ^Arudl 
(composed about 1161 A.D.), Journal R. Asiatic Soc. 
(189^>), pp. 771 and 776. 

As said before, the recruit was supposed, at any rate so 
far as the State was concerned, to furnish his own horse. 
Orrae states the case thus: — "Every man brings his own 
horse and offers himself to be enlisted. The hor.^e is care- 
fully examined : and according to the size and value of the 
beast, the master receives his pay. A good horse will bring 
thirty or forty rupees a month. Sometimes an officer con- 
tracts for a whole troop. A horse in Indostan is of four 
times greater value than in Europe. If the horse is killed 
the man is ruined, a regulation that makes it the interest of 
the soldier to fight as little as possible." — "Historical Frag- 
ments," 4^0 edition, 418. Along with his horse the man 
brought his own arms and armour, the production of certain 
items of which was obligatory. In actual practice, however, 
the leaders often provided the recruits with their horses and 
equipment. When this was the case the leader drew the 
pay and paid the man whatever he thought fit. Such a 
man, who rode another's horse, was called a bargir (load- 
taker); while a man riding his own horse was in modern 
times called a silahdar (weapon-holder). The latter word 
is the origin of the Anglo-Indian phrase of "Sillidar 
cavalry," applied to men who are paid a lump sum monthly 
for themselves, horse, uniform, and equipment. 

Descriptive Rolls. — When an officer entered the service 
(B.M. N^ 6599, fol. 160«) a Chihrah or descriptive rolP 

^ Literally 'face,' 'countenance.' It must not be confounded with chlrah, 
which means (1) a kind of turban, (2) a pay-roll, on which the recipients 
signed, (3) the pay itself. Chlrah is used in the second sense in A hwal-ul- 
khawaqin, fol, 2306; and also by Ghulam Hasan, Samin, when telling us 
of the taunt addressed in 1170 h. (1757) by Ahmad Khan, Bangash, to 
Najib Khan, Najib-ud-daulah, of having been once a private trooper in 
Farrukhabad, where his pay-rolls (chirah-hae) were still in existence. 



48 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

of the new mamahdar was first of all drawn up, showing 
his name, his father's name, his tribe or caste, his place 
of origin, followed by details of his personal appearance. 
His complexion might be "wheat-colour" {^gandum-rang)^ 
"milky," i, e, white (slilr-fam), "red" {surkh-post), or 
"auburn" {maigun-rang). His forehead was always "open" 
(faraqli)\ his eyebrows either full (Jcushadah) or in whole 
or in part inoshahQ)^ his eyes were sheep-like {irmh), deer- 
like {ahu), ginger-coloured {adrak), or cat's eyes {gurbah). 
His nose might be "prominent" {huland) or "flat" {past). 
He might be "beardless" iamrad) or "slightly bearded" 
{I'lsh barwat clghaz) ; his beard might be "black" [risk o 
barwat sigcth), or "slightly red" {siyah i maigun-numa), 
"thin" {k/iall?), "shaven" {mutarash)^ "goat-shaped" (kosah-i- 
kJiurd), or "twisted up" {shaqlqah). So with any moles he 
might have; the shape of his ears, whether projecting or 
not, whether the lobes were pierced or not, and whether he 
was pock-marked or not — all these things were noted. 
Ashob, Shahadat, fol. 84«, tells us that in the imperial 
service the chihrahs were written on red paper sprinkled 
with gold leaf. 

Roll for Troopers. — The troopers (Jablnan) were also 
described, but not quite so elaborately. A specimen is as 
follows (B.M. No. 6599, fol. 163«): — 

Troopers' Roll (ChihrahA-Tdbinan). 

Qamr ^Ali, son of Mir "All, son of Kabir 'All, wheat 
complexion, broad forehead, separated eyebrows, sheep's 
eyes, prominent nose, beard and moustache black, right 
ear lost from a sword-cut. Total height, about 40 shanah. 

Horse. — Colour kabud (iron-grey?). Mark on left of 
breast. Mark on thigh on mounting side. LaskarQ) on 
thigh on whip side. Brand of four-pointed stamp + 



BRANDING AND VERIFICATION. 49 

Descriptive Roll of Plorses {fihihrah-i-aspan). 

The next thing done was to make out an elaborate 
description of the horse or horses (B.M. N^. 6599, fol. 
106/5). There were twenty principal divisions according 
to colour, and eight of these were again subdivided, so 
that there were altogether fifty-eight divisions. Then there 
were fifty-two headings for the marks {khal-o-khat) which 
might occur on the horse's body. 

The Imperial Brand. 

The hot iron was applied on the horse's thigh {Seir, 
i, 481, note 27), The signs used in A.kbar's reign are 
given in the Ain, i, 139, 255, 256; but in the end he 
adopted a system of numerals. In ^Alamglrs reign and 
about that time there were twenty different brands 
{tamghah), of which the shapes of fifteen have been 
preserved and are reproduced below (B.M. N^ 6599, 
fol. 161<2). I am not certain of the spelling, and in 
most instances I am utterly unable to suggest a meaning 
for the names. 

Name. Form op Brand. 

1. Chaliar i)arlia (four feather?) 1 

2. Chakar jiarha jomar-khaj i J" 

3. Chaliar par ha dur khaj "^ 

4. Chahar parha sihsar khaj " ^ ^ 

5. Chakush V 



6. 1st ad (upright) 

7. Uftadah (recumbent) 

8. Istadah o uftadah 



50 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

]SIame. Form of Brand. 



9. Yah ha do (one with two) i — 

10. Asaran \ « 1 

11. Togli (horse-tail standard) i 1 1 

12. Fanjah4'7nurgh (hen's foot) r\f\ 

13. Mizan (balance) , 1 , 

14. Bo ddrah taur , 1 

15. Chahar bar ah makar khaj 11 

The Noble's Brand. 

It is obvious that in addition to the imperial brand, a 
second mark was required by each noble for the recognition 
of the horses ridden by his own men. Accordingly we 
find direct evidence of this second marking in Bernier, 
216, and again 243, when he speaks of the horses "which 
bear the omrah's mark on the thigh." Towards the end 
of the period the great nobles often had the first or last 
letter of their name as their special brand {Seir, i, 481, 
note 27), as, for instance, the sin-dagh {^) of Sa^dat ^AlT 
Khan, nazim of Audh. The brand of Sayyad ^Abdullah 
Khan, was A^c i^abd), according to Khushhal Chand, 
Berlin Ms. 495, fol. 1020«. Ghulam 'AH Khan (B.M., 
Add. 24,028, fol. 635) tells us that about 1153 h. 
(1740 — 41) Muhammad Ishaq Khan used the last letter of 
his name, a qaf (^), as his brand. The way of selecting the 
brands is further illustrated by a passage in Kam Raj's 
A^zam-ul-harh. When A'zam Shah in 1119 h. (1707) was 
on his march from the Dakhin, some new brands were chosen. 
"As the brand of the Wcila Shdhl (personal troops) was 
^Azma, that of Bedar Bakht, the eldest son, was mankab, 
and of Wala Jah, the second son, was khail, it was thought 



BRANDING AND VERIFICATION 



51 



fit to fix on the word hashn (-) as that of ""Ala Tabar, 
the youngest son." It is to be niferred from this passage 
that in each instance the first letter of the word was used. 

Classification of Horses. 

According to the Ajn, i, 233, there were seven classes 
of horses founded on their breed — (1) ^Arabi, (2) Persian, 
(3) Mujannas, resembling Persian, and mostly Turk! or 
Persian geldings, (4) Turhi, (5) Yabu, (6) Tazl, (7) Ja7iglah. 

In Mlamgir's reign we find (B.M. N«. 6599, fol. i63r/) 
the following classification : (1) ^ Iraqi, (2) Mujannas, (3) 
Turkl, (4) Ycibu, (5) Tazl, (6) Jangll. This is practically 
the same as Akbar's, except that Arab horses are not 
mentioned. This must be an oversight, since we learn from 
many passages in the contemporary historians that Arab 
horses were still in use. The Tdzl and Jangll were Indian 
horses, what we now call country breds, the former being 
held of superior quality to the latter. The Yabu was, I 
suppose, what we call now the Kabuli, stout-built, slow, 
and of somewhat sluggish temperament. The Turkl was 
an animal from Bukhara or the Oxus country; the ^Iraql 
came from Mesopotamia. 

In 'Alamgir's reign the proportion in which officers of 
the different ranks were called on to present horses of these 
different breeds at the time of branding was as follows : — 







Class of 


Horse. 






Rank or 










Total. 


Officer. 












^lUAQI. 


Mujannas. 


Turk! 


Yabu. 




400 


3 


1 


1 





5 


300—350 


2 


1 


1 





4 


100—150 








3 





3 


80—90 








2 





2 


50—70 








1 


1 


2 


40 








1 





1 



52 



THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 



These figures differ from those in the A}n, i, 248 — 9, where 
the number of horses is given for all mansahs, up to the 
very highest. Some figures are also given in Mirat-i-Ahmadi, 
ii, 118, which agree on the whole with those in the above 
table. 

According as the standard was exceeded or not come up 
to, the branding officer made an allowance or deduction 
by a fixed table. This calculation was styled tafawat-i- 
aspan (discrepancy of horses) — B.M. N^. 6599, fol. 163a. 
The extra allowances were as follows: — 



Horse Required 
BY Regulation, 


Horse 
Produced. 


Additional 
Allowance. 


Turkl 
Turkl 

Tazi 
Yabu 


""Iraqi 
Mujannas 
Turkl 
Turkl 


Rs. 

12 

6 

8 
9 



When an inferior horse was produced the following deduc- 
tion was made: — 



Horse Required 
BY Regulation. 


Horse 
Produced. 


Deduction. 


Turkl 
Yabu 
Tazl 


Jangll 
Jangll 
Jangll 


Rs. 

12 
10 

8 



Subordinate Establishment. 



An establishment of farriers, blacksmiths' forges, and 
surgeons had to be maintained by each mansabddr, according 
to the following scale (B.M. N^ 1641, fol. 38^'): — 



BRANDING AND A^ERIFICATION. 



53 





• Numbers op Establishment. 


Rank of 






Officer. 










Carriers 


Blacksmiths' 


Leeches or 




{NaHband). 


Shops {Ahangar). 


Surgeons {Jara/j). 


4000 


8 


2 


2 


3500 


7 


2 


2 


3000 


6 


2 


2 


2500 


5 


1 





2000 


4 


1 


2 


1500 


3 





1 


1000 


2 





1 



Or, according to 



more recent scale : — 



1500—4000 



The Mirat-i'Ahmadl, ii, 118, states that thirtj men on 
foot were required to be entertained for every 1000 of 
mansah rank. These included water-carriers, farriers, pioneers, 
matchlockmen and bow-men. 



Verification {TasMhak). 

Something on this subject will be found in the Ajn, i, 250, 
where the reference is confined to the ahadis; Dr. Horn, 
so far as he goes into the matter at all, deals with it on 
p. 49 of his work. In later times, at all events, the rule 
of mustering and verification seems to have been of almost 
universal application. For example, in a work called the 
G iddastah-i-Ba//ar , a collection of letters from Chhabilah 
Ram, Nagar, compiled in 1139 h. (1726—7), of which I 
possess a fragment, I find on fol. 18a an instance of the 
verification rules being enforced against a inansahdar in the 
end of Bahadur Shah's reign (1118 — 24 h.). Chhabilah 
Ram, who was then faujdar of Karrah Manikpur (stibah 
Allahabad), complains to his patron that the clerks had 
caused his jar/ir, in parganah Jajmau, bringing in ten lakhs 
of dams, to be taken away from him, because he had not 



54 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

produced vouchers of da(/h-o-tas/nIiaI/. He sends the papers 
by a special messenger, and prays his correspondent, some 
influential man at Court, to obtain the restoration of the 
jafir in question. 

The intervals after which verification was imperative 
varied according to the nature of the man's pay. If he 
were paid in jfifir, he had to muster his men for verification 
once a year, and, in addition, a period of six months' grace 
was allowed. If the officer were paid in naqd (cash), the 
time allowed depended upon whether he was — (1) present 
at Court {hagir-i-riqab), or (2) on duty elsewhere {tainat). 
In the first case he had to procure his certificate at six- 
month intervals, or within eight months at the outside. 
In the second case he was allowed fifteen days after he 
had reported himself at Court. An aJ/adl seems to have 
been allowed, in a similar case, no more than seven days. 
Where an officer drew his pay partly in jagw (assignment) 
and partly in naqd (cash), if the former made more than 
half the total pay, the rule for jaglrdars was followed; if 
the jaglr were less than half, the naqdl rule was followed. 
(B.M. 1641, fols. 31a, 395). 

When the interval and the period of grace had elapsed, 
the man was reported for taioaqquf-i4asInhah (delay in 
verification). A mansabdar lost the whole of his pay for 
the period since the last verification ; or, if he were im- 
portant enough to have been presented to the emperor 
{ru-sliinas, known by sight), he might succeed in obtaining 
his personal pay. An aJiadl lost half his pay, and it was 
only by an order on a special report that he could be 
excused the penalty. The proportion of horsemen {tahinan) 
that a mansabdar must produce difi'ered when he was at 
Court and when he was on duty in the provinces. In the 
first case he was bound to muster one-fourth, and in the 
second one-third, of his total number or as the case is 
stated in the Ma,asir-ul-umara, ii, 444, "In the reign of 
Shahjahan it was decided that if an officer held a jaglr 



BRANDING AND VERIFICATION. 55 

within the Huhnh to which he was attached, he should 
produce one third of his tahinan for Branding. Thus if 
he were 3000 zed, 3000 suicar, he would produce 1000 
horsemen. If sent to another sUbah of Hindustan, then one 
fourth had to appear. During the campaign in Balkh and 
Badakhshan, owing to the great distance, one fifth was 
held to be sufficient." There were three seasons appointed 
for verification, from the 26^1^ Shawwal to the 15^^^ Zul 
Qa'dah (twenty days), the 19t^i Safar to the I5tli Rabf I 
(twenty-five days), and the 16^^'^ Jamadi II to the 15*^ 
Rajab (twenty-nine days). (B.M. 1641, fols. 31«, 395, 58/^; 
B.M. 6599, fol. 148«). 

Officials and their duties. — At head quarters officers 
entitled A mm, daroghah, and mushrif were appointed by the 
emperor to the Verification department, which was under the 
supervision of the chief bakhshis. The Bakhshis made the 
appointments for the provinces. In addition to his personal 
rank {mansab), the Amin received a mansab of 10 horse 
while in office {Mirat-i-JJimadl, ii, 118). The duties are 
thus described by Hidayatullah, Baharl, in his Ridayat- 
ul-quwaid, fol. \Za. The daroghah should compare the marks 
and points (Jchat-o-Mal) of the horses with the descriptive 
roll {chihrah), and inspect the horses to see whether they 
were fit for the service or not. If fit for branding, he should 
cause the brand to be imposed, signing the descriptive roll, 
adding the day, month and year, with the words "Two 
horses such-and-such branded." If it were a two-horse man, 
he should certify for two horses and send the original 
descriptive roll to the office of the Bakhshi, retaining a 
copy sealed by the Bakhshi among his own records. Two 
months having passed, he should in the third month inspect 
and verify according to the copy of the roll, looking to 
see if the marks correspond. His inspection report was 
entered on the back of the roll, giving day, month, and 
year, thus : "So-and-so with his horses and arms was in- 
spected." If it was a one-horse man, the daroghah wrote: 



56 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

"Man and one horse inspected." If it were a foot match- 
lock-man or an archer, he wrote on the back of the roll: 
"Man and arms inspected." For carpet-layers and servants 
belonging to the court establishment he wrote on the back 
of the roll. When the paper was full, another sheet was 
attached. The peshkar (head clerk) of the daroghah drew 
up according to rule a present state, giving details of those 
present and absent and the receipts. He then brought it 
up for orders. The daroghah attached his seal to the report 
and sent it on to the Bakhshi's office. In accordance there- 
with an order {barat) on the Treasury was prepared for 
each man. The daroghah ought to see that the horsemen 
and infantry are present on the march and on guard. He 
should enjoin on the guard-clerk to make an inspection 
at midnight of the men posted on guard, and write down 
the names of those present. According to the Mirat-i- 
Ainnadt, ii, 118, the officials after the mustering and veri- 
fication made out certificates {dastak) bearing the seals of 
the daroghah, amin, and mushrif, which were delivered 
to the mansabdar concerned. 



CHAPTER VI. 

THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF THE SERVICE. 

Although in writing this essay I think it better to retain 
the divisions of the original authorities, who distribute the 
army into mansahdars (with their tahinan), ahadls, and aJtsham, 
it is quite true that, as Dr. Horn says, p. 11, the Moghul 
army consisted of cavalry, infantry, and artillery. But the 
second and third branches held a very subordinate position 
towards the first. The army was essentially an army of 
horsemen. The Moo;huls from beyond the Oxus were ac- 
customed to fight on horseback only; the foot-soldier they 
despised ; and in artillery they never became very proficient. 
Until the middle of the eighteenth century, when the French 
and English had demonstrated the vast superiority of 
disciplined infantry, the Indian foot-soldier was little more 
than a night-watchman, and guardian over baggage, either 
in camp or on the line of march. Under the Moghuls, as 
Orme justly says "Hist. Frag.," 4<^o, p. 418, the strain of 
all war rested upon the numbers and goodness of the horse 
which were found in an army. Their preference for hand 
to hand fighting and cavalry charges is well illustrated by 
the remarks attributed to Prince A'zam Shah in 1707 by 
Bhim Sen, Nuskhah-i-dilkusha, fol. 162«, that "to fight with 
artillery was a stripling's pastime, the only true weapon 
was the sword." 

There was no division into regiments. Single troopers, 
as we have already said, enlisted under the banner of some 
man a little richer or better known than themselves. These 
inferior leaders again joined greater commanders, and thus, 



58 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

by successive aggregations of groups, a great noble's division 
was gathered together. But from the highest to the lowest 
rank, the officer or soldier looked first to his immediate 
leader and followed his fortunes, studying his interests 
rather than those of the army as a whole. ^ It was not till 
quite the end of the period that, under the influence of 
European example, and also partly in imitation of the Persian 
invaders, it became usual for the great nobles to raise and 
equip at their own expense whole regiments without the 
intervention of petty chiefs. In Audh, Safdar Jang and 
Shuja'-ud-Daulah had such regiments, as, for instance, the 
Q.izzilbash, the Sher-bachak, and others, which were all 
clad alike, and apparently were mounted and equipped by 
the Nawab himself. 

When Akbar first introduced the mansab system, which 
ranked his officers according to the number of men supposed 
to be under the command of each, these figures had possibly 
some connection with the number of men present under those 
officers' orders, and actually serving in the army (Horn, 39). 
But it is tolerably certain that this connection between the 
two things did not endure very long: it was, 1 should say, 
quite at an end by the reign of Shahjahan (1627 — 58). 
Indeed, if the totals of all the personal {zat) mansabs in 
existence at one time were added together, we should arrive 
at so huge an army that it would have been impossible for 
the country, however heavily taxed, to meet such an expense. 
If paid in cash, the army would have absorbed all the 
revenue; if paid by assignments, all the land revenue 
would have gone direct into the hands of the soldiery, 
leaving next to nothing to maintain the Court or meet the 
expenses of the other branches of the government. The 
inference I wish to draw is, that from the grant of rank 
it does not follow that the soldiers implied by such rank 
were really added to the army. The system required that 
a man's rank should be stated in terms of so many soldiers; 

* For remarks to the same general effect, see W. Erskine, "History," ii, 540. 



THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF THE SERVICE. 59 

but there is abundant testimony in the later historians that 
mansab and the number of men in the ranks of the army 
had ceased to have any close correspondence. 

Thus it seems to me a hopeless task to attempt, as 
Dr. Horn does, p. 39, following Blochmann {Ajn, i, 244 — 7), 
to build up the total strength of the army from the figures 
giving the personal {zat) rank of the officers {mansabdars). 
The difficulty would still exist, even if we had sufficiently 
reliable accounts of the number of such officers on the 
list at any one time. For we must remember that the 
number of men kept up by any officer was incessantly 
varying. On a campaign, or on active employment in one 
of the provinces, either as its governor or in a subordinate 
position, an officer kept up a large force, generally as many 
as, if not more than, he could find pay for. On the other 
hand, while attached to the Court at Dihli, his chief or 
only duty might be to attend the emperor's public audience 
twice a day (a duty which was very sharply enforced), and 
take his turn in mounting guard at the palace. For duties 
of this sort a much smaller number of men would suffice. 
If we reckoned the number of men in the suwar rank, 
for whom allowances at so much per man were given by 
the State to the mansabdar, we might obtain a safer estimate 
of the probable strength of the army. But for this also 
materials fail, and in spite of musterings and brandings, 
we may safely assume that very few mansabdars kept up 
at full strength even the quota of horsemen {tabinmi) for 
which they received separate pay. In these matters the 
difference between one noble and another was very great. 
While one man maintained his troops at their full number, 
all efficiently mounted and equipped, another would evade 
the duty altogether. As, for instance, one writer, Khushhal 
Chand, in his Nadir-uz-zaynam (B.M. Or. 1844, fol. ]40«) 
says : Lutfullah Khan Sadiq, although he held the rank of 
7,000, "never entertained even seven asses, much less horses 
or riders on horses." In Muhammad Shah's reign he lived 



60 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

quietly at home at PanTpat, 30 or 40 miles from Dilili, 
his attention engrossed by his efforts to get hold of all 
the land for many miles round that town, and passing his 
days, in spite of his great nominal rank, like a mere villager. 

It seems to me equally hopeless to attempt a reconstruc- 
tion of the force actually present at any particular battle 
by adding together the numerical rank held by the com- 
manders who were at that battle. This Dr. Horn has tried 
to do on p. 67, without feeling satisfied with the results. 
But, as far as I can see, there was little, if any, connection 
between the two matters. The truth is that, like all things 
in Oriental countries, there existed no rules which were 
not broken in practice. A man of high rank would, no 
doubt, be selected for the command of a division. But it 
was quite an accident whether that division had more or 
fewer men in it than the number in his nominal rank. 
The strength of a division depended upon the total number 
of men available, and the extent of the contingents brought 
into the field by such subordinate leaders as might be put 
under the orders of its commander. It was altogether a 
matter of accident whether the number of men present 
corresponded or not to the rank of the commanders. 

Bernier, 43, has an excellent remark on the vague way 
that numbers were dealt with by historians: "Camp- 
followers and bazar-dealers .... I suspect, are often 
included in the number of combatants." Again, on p. 380, 
he seems to come to the conclusion that it would be a 
fair estimate to take the fighting men at about one-third 
of the total numbers in a Moghul camp. I have seen some- 
where (I have lost the reference, but J think it was in 
Khafi Khan) an admission that the gross number of a 
so-called "fauj" (army) was always reckoned as including 
no more than one-third or one-fourth that number of 
fighting men. I give below, for what it is worth, a 
tabular summary of Dr. Horn's figures (pp. 39—45) — 



THE DIFFERENT BRANCHES OF THE SERVICE. 



61 



ESTIMATED NUMBERS OF MOGHUL ARMY. 



Pkriod. 


Cavaluy. 


Match LOCKMEN 
AND Infantry. 


Artillery- 
men. 


Authority. 


Akbar 
Do. 

Shahjahan 

Aurangzeb 
Do. 

Mhd. Shah 


12,000 
384,758 

200,000 

240,000 
300,000 

200,000 


12,000 
3,877,557 

40,000 

15,000 
600,000 

800,000 


1000 


Blochmann, i,246. 
Am-i-AkbarT. ' 
j Badshahnamah, ii, 
1 715; Am,i,24>4>. 
Bernier. 
Catrou. 

T an kh-i- Hindi of 
Rustam '^Ali. 



NUMBERS PRESENT ON PARTICULAR OCCASIONS. 





Number 


OF Impe 


RIALISTS. 


Number of Enemy. 




Name of 




















Battle 






>-, 


B 






>^ 


^ 


Authority. 




>-s 


c? 






>~i 




i-* 






OR 












P"*. 




CS 




Commander. 


> 


c 

^ 

p 


'-J3 


CD 


> 

c3 


^ 
^ 


"TTi 


t 






o 


1— 1 


< 


w 


o 


I— 1 


< 


w 




Sarkhej 


10,000 




_ 


100 


40,000 


100,000 






Akhaniamah^ 


Under Khan 


















iii, 424. 


'Azim 


10,000 


— 


— 


— 


30,000 


— 


— 


— 


Id. iii, 593 


Under Khan 




















Khanan . . . 


1200 


— 


— 


— 


5000 


— 


— 


— 


Id. iii, 608 


Sadiq Khan . . 


3000 


— 


— 


— 


8000 


— 


— 


80 


Id. iii, 714 


Qandahar 




















(1061 H.)... 


50,000 


10,000 


— 


10 


— 


— 


— 


— 


Elliot, vii, 99 


Jahanglr 




















(1016 H.)... 


12,500 


2000 


— 


60 


— 


— 


— 


— 


Id. vi, 318. 


Ahmad Abdali 




















(1174 11.)... 


60,000 


20,000 


— 


— 


— 


— 


— 


— 


— 



^ These include all the militia levies and zamindar's retainers throiighont 
the provinces, besides the army proper. 



CHAPTER VII. 

EaUIPMENT. (a) defensive ARMOUR. 

The generic name for arms and armour was silali, plural 
adah (Steingass, 693). Weapons and armour of all kinds 
were much prized in India, much taste and ingenuity being 
expended on their adornment. Every great man possessed 
a choice collection. The following extract describes that of 
the Nawab Wazir at Lakhnau, in 1785: — "But beyond 
everything curious and excellent in the Nawab's possession 
are his arms and armour. The former consist of matchlocks, 
fuzees, rifles, fowling-pieces, sabres, pistols, scymitars, spears, 
syefs (long straight swords), daggers, poniards, battle-axes, 
and clubs, most of them fabricated in Indostan, of the purest 
steel, damasked or highly polished, and ornamented in relief 
or intaglio with a variety of figures or foliage of the most 
delicate pattern. Many of the figures are wrought in gold 
and silver, or in marquetry, with small gems. The hilts of 
the swords, etc., are agate, chrysolite, lapus-lazuli, chal- 
cedony, blood-stone, and enamel, or steel inlaid with gold, 
called tynashee ' or koft work. The armour is of two kinds, 
either of helmets and plates of steel to secure the head, 
back, breast, and arms, or of steel network, put on like a 
shirt, to which is attached a netted hood of the same metal 
to protect the head, neck, and face. Under the network 
are worn linen garments quilted thick enough to resist 
a sword. On the crown of the helmet are stars or other 
small device, with a sheath to receive a plume of feathers. 
The steel plates are handsomely decorated with gold wreaths 
and borders, and the network fancifully braided." ("Asiatic 
Miscellany," i, 393. Calcutta, 1795. 4to.) 

' Probably for tah-nishani, inlaid with gold or studded with jems. 
Koft (beating) is gold or silver wire beaten into iron or steel. 



EQUIPMENT. — (a) DEFENSIVE ARMOUR. 



63 



The fines for not producing at inspection a man's own 
armour and that of his elephant {jpahhaf) were as follows 
(B.M. 6,599, fol. 162«): — 





Amount op Fine for non-Production 


of 


Rank of 

Officer. 


Headpiece 

{Kliud). 


Body Armour 

{Baktar). 


Elephant 
Armour 


Greaves 
{Ranak). 


Harhai(?). ' 


400 
350 
300 
250 
200 


Rs. a. p. 
2 
2 
1 12 
1 8 
1 


Rs. a. p. 
5 
4 
4 
3 8 
3 


Rs. a. p 

4 
3 12 
3 8 
3 4 
3 


Rs. a. p. 
2 
1 12 
18 
1 4 
LOO 


Rs. a. p. 
10 
15 
14 
13 
12 



Armour was worn by all horsemen who could afford it; 
nay, officers of a certain rank were required to produce 
it at the time of inspection, subject to a fine if it were not 
forthcoming. Its use was never discontinued; it was even 
worn by men of European descent when they entered the 
native service. For instance, James Skinner, writing of the 
year 1797, says, "as I was exercising my horse in full 
armour' (Eraser, "Memoirs," i, 125); and again, "I was 
only saved by my armour" {id. 127). George Thomas, the 
Irish adventurer, also wore armour {id. 229). Nor is the 
use of armour entirely discontinued even to this day, as those 
can testify who saw the troops of the Bundelkhand States 
paraded before the then Prince of Wales at iVgrah in January, 
1876. 

The armour was worn as follows (W. Egerton, 112, note 
to W. 440) : — Depending from the cuirass was generally 
a skirt, which was at times of velvet embroidered with 
gold. Underneath the body armour was worn a qabchah, ^ 
or jacket quilted and slightly ornamented. Silken trousers 

* Read sari-asp in B.M. 1641, fol. 37a, but to neither reading can I 
assign a meaning. 

2 Apparently the diminutive of qaha, a close long gown or shirt 
(Stein gass, 950). 



64 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

and a pair of kashmlr shawls round the waist completed 
the costume of a nobleman of high rank. As to these 
quilted coats, we are told elsewhere {Seir, i, 624, note) 
that "common soldiers wore an ample upper garment, 
quilted thick with cotton, coming down as far as the 
knee. These coats would deaden the stroke of a sabre, 
stop the point of an arrow, and above all kept the body 
cool by intercepting the rays of the sun." Or as a still 
later writer tells us (Fitzclarence, "Journal," 143) ^ : — "The 
irregular cavalry throughout India are mostly dressed in 
quilted cotton jackets ; though the best of these habiliments 
are not, as 1 supposed, stuffed with cotton, but are a number 
of cotton cloths quilted together. This serves as a defensive 
armour, and when their heads are swathed round, and under 
the chin, with linen to the thickness of several folds, it 
is almost hopeless with the sword to make an impression 
upon them. They also at times stuff their jackets with the 
refuse silk of the cocoons, which they say will even turn 
a ball." This habit of swathing the body in protective 
armour till little beyond a man's eyes could be seen, gives 
the point to the scoffing remark of Daud Khan, PannI, at 
the battle against Husain "All Khan, fought on the S^ii 
Sha'ban, 1127 n. (6th Sept., 1715), that his assailant, one 
Mir Mushrif, "came out to meet him like a bride or 
a woman, with his face hidden" (Ghulam 'All Khan, 
Muqaddamah-i-Shah "Alam-namah, fol. 22/^). 

I now proceed to describe each part of the armour, 
seriatim^ beginning with the helmet. 

Khud, Dabalghah, or Top. — This was a steel headpiece 
with a vizor or nose-guard. There are several specimens 
in the Indian Museum; and in W. Egerton, "Handbook," 

' Lieut. -Col. Fitzclarence was created Earl of Munster in 4831, and he 
is the Lord Munster referred to by Dr. Horn on p, 8 as the author of 
a series of questions on Mahomedan military usages. His "Journal," the 
work of a close observer and graphic writer, proves that he was quite 
competent to write for himself, and not merely "schreiben zu lassen," 
the history that he had planned. 



EQUIPMENT. — (a) DEFENSIVE ARMOUR. 65 

several of these are figured, Nos 703 and 704 on plate 
xiii, N^ 703 on p. 134, and another, N^ 591, on p. 125. 
Khud is the more usual name, but dabnlghah is the word 
used in the Jjn (Blochmann, 1, iii, N^ 52, and plate xiii, 
N^. 43). The latter is Chaghatae for a helmet; and Pa vet 
de Courteille gives four forms, ^LiJ^jb, Ui^jb, »,k\y^c> (p. 317), 
and i^i^i.o (p. 322). I have only met with it once in an 
eighteenth-century writer {Ahwcll-id-Kkawaqin, c. 1147 h., 
fol. 161^), and then under the form of ^^iL^^^, dobalghah. 
Top, for a helmet, appears several times in Egerton ; for 
instance, on p. 119 and p. 125. This is apparently an 
Indian word (Shakes., 73), sr'y, which must be distinguished 
from the word top, y^j, a cannon, to which a Turkish 
origin is assigned. A helmet seems to have been called a 
top by the Mahrattas and in Maisur; but the word is not 
used by writers in Northern India. If we disregard the 
difference between o and o, then we can derive /o/j, 'a 
helmet,' and tojn, 'a hat,' as does the compiler of the 
"Madras Manual of Administration," iii, 915, from the 
ordinary Hindi word topna, 'to cover up.' But I hardly 
think this is legitimate. 

Khoglil. — The next name to the dahalghah on the Ajn 
list, the kliogln, N°. 53, must be something worn on the 
head; but there is no figure of it, and I fail to identify 
the word in that form. From the spelling it is evidently 
of Hindi origin; and a note in the Persian text \\dL^ ghokhl 
as an alternative reading. Has it anything to do with 
ghoghl, a pocket, a pouch, a wallet (Shakespear, 1756), or 
ghunglil, cloths folded and put on the head as a defence 
against the rain (Shakes., 1758)? The latter may point to 
a solution: the khoghi, or, better, the ghUghl, may have 
been folds of cloth adjusted on the head to protect it from 
a sword blow. 

Migjifar is defined (Steingass, 1281) as mail, or a net- 
work of steel worn under the cap or hat, or worn in battle 
as a protection for the face, also a helmet. It is evidently 



66 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

the long piece of mail hanging down from the helmet over 
the neck and back, as shown in N'^. 45, plate xii, of the 
Aj7i, vol. i, and called there and on p. Ill, N". 54, the 
zHihkuldh (cap of mail). It was through the mighfar that, 
according to Ghulam ^\lT Khan's history, the arrow passed 
which wounded 'Abdullah Khan, Qutb-ul-Mulk, just before 
he was taken a prisoner at the battle of Hasanpur (IS^-h 
Nov., 1720), and the following verse brings in the word, 
as also the josha7i : — 

Ghcih yare Imnnd mighfar o josJian-am, 
Chun Ban na hard akhtar roshaii-am. 

"What aid to me is vizor and coat of mail, 
"When God has not made my star to shine." ^ 

Baktar or Bagtar. — This is the name for body armour 
in general, whether it were of the cuirass {chahar-ajnah) 
or chain-mail {zirih) description. Steingass, 195, defines it 
as a cuirass, a coat of mail. See also the Dastur-id-Insha, 
228. The bagtar is W. 58 in the Ajn list (i, 112), and 
is shown as N^. 47 on plate xii. From the figure it may 
be inferred that, in a more specific sense, baktar was the 
name for fish-scale armour. Bargustuioan, as Mr. H. Beveridge 
has pointed out to me, is a general name for armour used 
in the Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, text 119 (Raverty, 466 and note); 
but that work belongs to a period long before the accession 
of the Moghuls. Steingass, 178, restricts bargustuwan to 
horse armour worn in battle: the Ahwal-ul-Khaicagm, fol. 
2183, applies it to the armour worn by elephants, and 
I have found it in no other late Avriter. 

Chahar-ajnah. — This is literally 'four mirrors': it 

' Muqaddamah-i-Shdh '^Alam-namah by Ghulam "^Ali Khan, B.M. Add. 
24,028, fol. 40a. The last line probably contains an allusion to Roshan 
Akhtar, the original name of Muhammad Shah, to whom ""Abdullah Khan 
succumbed. 



EQUIPMENT. (a) DEFENSIVE ARMOUR. 67 

consisted of four pieces, a breast plate and a back plate, 
with two smaller pieces for the sides. All four were 
connected together with leather straps. Steingass, 403, has 
'a kind of armour.' It is N^ 50 in the Ajn, i, 112, and 
figure N'\ 49 on plate xiii. It is also shown in Egerton, 
plate ix, and again on p. 144. The specimens in the 
Indian Museum are N^ 364 (p. 103), 450, 452 (p. 112), 
569, 570 (p. 119), 587 (p. 124), 707 (p. 135), 764 (p. 144)! 

Zirih. — This was a coat of mail with mail sleeves, 
composed of steel links {Dastur-ul-Inshci, 228). The coat 
reached to the knees (W. Egerton, 125, note to N^ 591). 
It is No. 57 in the Ajn, i, 112, and N^. 46 on plate xiii 
of that volume. There are six examples in the Indian 
Museum— W.E. 361, 362 (p. 103), 453 (p. 112), 591, 
591 T (p. 125), 706 (p. 135). Apparently, judging from 
the plate in the Ajn, the bahtar (fish scales) or the chahar 
ajnah (cuirass) was worn over the zirili. W. H. Tone, 
"Maratta People," 61, note, gives a word beiUa as the 
Mahratta name for the chain-mail shirt that they wore. 
I cannot identify or trace this word. 

Jaibah. — Blochmann, Aj?i, i. 111, N^ 56, and his 
note 4, says it was a general name for armour. He gives 
no figure of it. Erskine, ''History," ii, 187, has jaba. 
Steingass, 356, says it is from the Arabic jubbat, and 
spells it juba/i, a coat of mail, a cuirass, any kind of iron 
armour. The word is used in the ^Alamgirnamah, 245, I. 7 : 
— ''Tan ba zeb-i-jabah ojoshan \mirasta1i' — "body adorned 
with the decoration of jabali and joshan!' It is also used 
in Ahwal-ul-Khcmaqm {c. 1147 h.), fol. 164^^, in the form 
jaibah. Some variety of the jaibah is spoken of in the 
Akbarnamah, Daftar II, p. 249, line 4 (Lucknow edition), 
where we are told that a Rajput of distinction in the 
garrison of Chitor wore a j aibah-i-hazar-mlkhl. Apparently 
it was covered with small studs or knobs {mihh). 

Other items of body armour {Dastur-ul-lnsha, 228) were 
the joshan^ the jihlam, the angarkhah^ the daghlah. In 



68 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

other authorities we also meet with the jamah-i-fataJn, the 
chihilqadj sadiql, the Jcothl^ the hlianjU, and the salhqaha. 
Of the last, the salhqaha, Aj7i, N^. 66, we have no figure, 
and I am unable to identify it, as I have never seen the 
word elsewhere. Other words which have defied identifi- 
cation are harhai, as I read it (B.M. 6599, foL 162«; 
B.M. 1641, fol. 37«), and three articles in the Dastur-ul- 
Insha, p. 228, which I read suhl, malk, and masari. \Ve have 
also the kamal, the ghughwah, the kantha-sohka. Finally, 
there were the dast-wanah or arm-pieces, the ranah or 
greaves, and the mozah-i-alianl, a smaller pattern of leg-piece. 

Joshan. — This is N^. 59 of the Iin, list, p. 112, 
and is figured as N^ 48 on plate xiii. It appears to be b 
steel breastplate extending to the region of the stomach 
and bowels. Blochmann, p. xi, calls it an armour for 
chest and body; Steingass translates more vaguely 'a coat 
of mail.' 

Jililam. — According to the dictionary (Shakes., 825), this 
is the Hindi for armour, coat of mail, vizor of helmet; 
but I do not know what was its special nature or form. 
Steingass, 405, has chahlam, a sort of armour; also chihal- 
tah, a coat of mail. Kam Raj, 585, has a passage — 
"Mir Mushrif came quickly and lifted his jihlam from his 
face." This makes the word equivalent to vizor. It is not 
in the Ajn. 

Angarkhah. — Hindi for a coat, possibly identical with 
that sometimes called an alkhaliq (a tight-fitting coat). 
Probably this coat was wadded so as to turn a sword-cut. 
It is N". 63 of the Ajn, i, 112, and figure N". 52 of plate 
xiv, where we see it a long, loose, wide coat worn over 
the armour. 

DagJdah or Dagla, — The second of these is the Hindi 
form of the word. It was a coat of quilted cloth. 

Jdmah-i'fataM. — This word is employed in the Akbar- 
namah (Lucknow edition), ii, 89, line 3. According to the 
editor's note it is "a robe which on the day of battle is 



EQUIPMJ^NT. — (a) defensive ARMOUR, 69 

put on beneath the coat of mail, and on it extracts from 
the Qurjin, such as Jnna fotahna, are inscribed." Steingass, 
351, defines it as "a fine silken robe." The coats worn 
by the Khallfah's men in the Sudan, and now at the 
United Service Institution, must be specimens, as they 
have words embroidered or sewn on to them. 

Chihilqad. — This is N". 67 of the Ajn, 112, and is shown 
as figure N^ 54 on plate xiv. Muliammed Qasim, Alrwcd- 
td-Khaioagm, 161/5, spells it J^iiii:^^, c/^«/^«/. It was a doublet 
worn over the armour, and possibly identical with the chilta or 
c^2^(7/-/a^-,literally forty-folds(Shakespear, 884; Steingass,398). 

Sadiql. — Ajn, 112, N". 62, and N^ 51 on plate xiv, a 
coat of mail something like the joshan in shape, but with 
epaulettes. 

Kotk. — We have this in the Ajn, 112, No. 61, and it 
appears on plate xiv, N^ 50, as a long coat of mail worn 
under the breastplate and opening down the front. 

BhanjU. — This is W. 64 of the Ajn list, i, 112, but I 
have never seen the word anywhere else ; it must be a Hindi 
word, but it is not in Shakespear's Dictionary. The only 
figure is the one reproduced from Langles by Egerton, N". 9 
on plate i, opposite p. 23. This might be almost anything; 
the nearest resemblance I can suggest is that of a sleeveless 
jacket. 

Kamal. — This word is literally 'a blanket,' and from 
it the corps known as the kamal-posh (blanket-wearers) 
derived its name. The word seems to have had the secondary 
meaning of a cuirass or wadded coat, possibly made of 
blanketing on the outside. There were wadded coats of 
quilted cotton, as well as of wool, which would stand the 
stroke of a sabre. Some stuffed with silk refuse were con- 
sidered capable of withstanding a bullet {Seir, i, 143, 
note 105). This sort of protection was very common. 
"Almost every soldier in the service of a native power has 
his head secured by many folds of cotton cloth, which not 
only pass round but likewise over it and under the chin; 



70 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

and a protection for the back of the neck is provided of 
similar materials. The jacket is composed of cotton thickly 
quilted between cloths, and so substantial as almost to 
retain the shape of the body like stiff armour. To penetrate 
this covering with the edge of the sword was to be done 
only by the practice of cutting." (Valentine Blacker, 
"War," 302). 

Ghugfiwah, — This must, from its position in the A'Jn list, 
N^ 55, be some kind of armour, but I cannot identify the 
word, which is of Hindi form. In plate xiii, N^ 44, the 
thing is shown as a long coat and cowl of mail, all in 
one piece. In Egerton's plate (N^. i, figure 4) it is some- 
thing quite different, of a shape which it is difficult to 
describe, and for which it is still more difficult to suggest 
a use. The loord seems to have some affinity to khoglii or 
g hug In (see a7ite). It represents the Eastern Hindi form of 
ghogha, following the usual rule of vowel modification, 
thus: H. H., ghora-^ E. H., ghurwa^ 'a horse.' There being 
also a slight indication of the diminutive in this form, 
ghugliwa would be a small ghogha. There is a chain 
epaulette shown in one of the plates in Rockstuhl and 
Gille, which suggests the shape of the ghughwa figured by 
Egerton, and possibly that was its purpose. 

Kantha-sobha. — This is No. 70 in the list in the Ajn, 112, 
and, as we can see from figure 7 on plate i of W. Egerton's 
catalogue, it was a neck-piece or gorget. N^. 69 {rmiak) 
and N^ 71 {mozah-i-ahanl) are both worn by the man and 
not the horse; then why does Blochmann, in his note, 
suggest that N^ 70 {kantha-sobha) was attached to the 
horses neck? The derivation is from kant/td (Shakes., 
1616) a necklace, and sobhd, id. 1338, ornament, dress, 
decoration. 

Dastivdnah. — This was a gauntlet, or mailed glove, with 
steel arm-piece. It is N^ 68 of the Ajn, 112, and is 
shown as N*^. 55 on plate xiv. The specimens in the 
Indian Museum are Nos. 452, 453, 454, 455 (Egerton, 



EQUIPMENT. — (a) DEFENSIVE ARMOUR. 71 

p. 112), 568, 570 [id, 119), 587, 590 {id. 124), 745 {id. 
139). Three of these are shown, two on plate xii, opposite 
p. 122, and one on plate xiv, opposite p. 136. 

Banah. — In the Ajn list, 1 12, N^ 69, appears the word 
rak or rag, which is quite unmeaning. When we turn 
to W. 56 on Blochmann's plate xiv, we see that the thing 
itself is an iron leg-piece or greave. Now, wherever there 
are lists of armour in the MS. Dastur-ul-Aml, I find a 
word iJ^i'^, which is invariably shown with a fourth letter 
of some sort; it might be read ratak, mlak, ranak, but 
never rak. As ran means in Persian the 'thigh,' I propose 
to substitute for Blochmann's rak the reading ranak, the 
diminutive ending being used to denote relation or con- 
nection, a formation like dastak (little hand), a short written 
order, fit to be (as it were) carried in the hand. The word 
ranak is not in Steingass. 

Moznh-i-ahanl. — This "iron-stocking" is N^ 71 on page 
112 of the Aj7i, and N^ 56 on plate xiv. It is a smaller 
form of the ranak. 

Patkah. — I find in Ghulam ^AlT Khan, Muqaddamah, 
fol. 38/^, an epithet q'^%j ^^Hy pcdkak-poshan, applied to 
both Sayyads and horse-breakers {chabuk-smoaran). It appears 
to refer to some part of military equipment, but what it 
is I do not know. It is evidently used in a depreciatory 
sense. 

Having enumerated the man's defensive armour, we go 
on to that of the horse. The elephant armour 1 will leave 
till we come to the special heading devoted to those animals. 

Kajvm. — This is in Ajn, 112, N". 72 {kajem), and is 
shown as figure N^. 57 on plate xiv. Erskine. "History," 
ii, 187, has the form kiclmn. It was a piece of armour for 
the hind-quarters of a horse, and was put on over a quilted 
cloth called artak-i-kajwi {Ajn, 112, N*^. 73). 

The other pieces of armour for the horse were the frontlet 
{qashqah: Jjn, 112, N^ 74, and plate xiv, N«. 60) and 
the neck-piece {gardani: Jjn, 112, N^ 75). Blochmann's 



72 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

description of the latter (p. 112, note 3) does not seem 
very appropriate, as he makes it a thing which hangs down 
in front of the horse's chest. Gardani, however, is the name 
still applied to the head and neck-piece, the hood, of a set 
of horse-clothing. It is the neck-shaped piece in figure 
N*^. 58 of Blochmann's plate xiv, and is separately shown 
in Eger ton's plate i, figure N^ 8. Qashqah is the word 
used in Persian for the Hindu sect-mark or tilak, applied 
on the centre of the forehead. R. B. Shaw, J. A. S. Bengal 
for 1S78, p. 144, gives qashqah as the Eastern Turk! for an 
animal's forehead. 

Horse trappings were often most richly adorned with 
silver or gold, embroidery or jewels. When so enriched 
they were styled saz-i-tilae, or saz-i-marasm . The names 
of the various articles are as follows (W. Egerton, 155): 
paltah (headstall) and Hna7i (reins), zerha^id (martingale), 
dumchl (crupper), hhogir (saddle), ustak (shabracque), hala- 
ta72g (surcingle), rikab (stirrups), shikarband (ornamental 
tassels at corners of saddle). The bow or pommel of a saddle 
was either qarhv.s (Steingass, 963) or qash (id. 947). The 
former word is used by Shekh Ghulam Hasan, (Samln) 
BilgramT, in his Tazkirah written in 1198 h. (1783); the 
second, by Rustam ^k\\, Bijnori, in his Urdu ''History of 
the Rohelas," written about 1803, fol. 28«. Nizam-ud- 
din ("Ishrat, Siyalkuti) in his JSadir-namah, fol. 50a, speaks 
of yaltang-posh as some sort of horse equipment. I have 
not been able to find out what this was. The list of stable 
requisites can be seen in Jjn, i, 136. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; I, "SHORT" ARMS. 

The cavalry seem to have carried a great variety of arms. 
The most relied on were those they styled the kotah-yaraq 
or short arms, that is, those used at close quarters, corres- 
ponding to the European "arme blanche." Probably the 
kotah silah of Budaoni, i, 460, (Ranking, 593) has the 
same meaning, and not as Ranking suggests that of a defi- 
ciency or shortness of weapons. These short arms may be 
ranged into five classes ([) Swords and shields, (TI) Maces, 
(III) Battle Axes, (IV) Spears, (V) Daggers. Weapons for 
more distant attack were (A) the bow {Kaman) and arrow 
{Tlr) (B) the Matchlock {handuq or tufang) and (C) the 
Pistol. Rockets were also used, but they were in charge 
of the artillery {topkhanah) and will come under that head. 

Out of the wealth of weapons, a description of which 
follows, it is not to be supposed that the whole were 
carried by any man at one time; but a great number 
were so carried, and, in a large army, all of them were to 
be found in use by some one or other. The great number 
of weapons that a man carried is graphically depicted by 
Fitzclarence, in the case of a petty officer of the Nizam's 
service, who commanded his escort {Journal, J 34). "Two 
very handsome horses with superb caparisons belong to 
this jamadar, who is himself dressed in a vest of green 
English broad cloth ^ laced with gold, and very rich em- 
broidered belts. A shield of buffalo hide with gilt bosses 

^ By Indian writers of the IS^-^ century broad cloth of all colours is 
called sqarlat, Jd^^^, i. e. scarlet. 



74 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

is hung over his back. His arms are two swords and a 
dagger, a brace of English pistols, and he has his match- 
lock carried before him by a servant." The following 
satirical description from Moor's Narrative, 98, also shows 
what a number of different weapons would sometimes be 
carried. ''Many of the sardars" (i. e. of the Nizam's army 
in 1791) "were in armour, and none of them deficient in 
weapons of war, both offensive and defensive. Two swords, 
a brace to half a dozen pistols, a spear, a crees, and matchlock- 
carbine constituted the moving arsenal of most of them. 
One man was mounted upon a tall, thin, skeleton of a 
horse, from whose shoulders and flanks depended, as a 
barricading, twenty or thirty weather-beaten cows' tails: 
two huge pistols appeared in his capacious holsters, while 
one of still larger dimensions, placed horizontally upon 
the horse's neck and pointed towards his ears, which were 
uncommonly long, dreadfully menaced the assailants in 
front. His flanks and rear were provided with a similar 
establishment of artillery of diflPerent sizes and calibres; one 
piece was suspended on each side of the crupper of the 
saddle, and a third centrically situated and levelled point 

blank at the poor animal's tail The rest of his 

armament consisted of a couple of sabres, a spear, a match- 
lock and shield He wore besides a rusty coat of 

mail from the lower part of which a large red quilted 
jacket made its appearance." The variety of weapons is 
again dwelt on with great effect in Wilks, iii, 135, "no 
national or private collection of ancient armour contains a 
weapon or article of equipment which might not be traced 
in this motley crowd" i.e. Nizam ^Ali Khan's cavalry in 1791. 

1. Swords. 

As to the mode of carrying the sword, Mtzclarence,e7o?/r;2<3'/, 
69, describing some irregular horse in the Company's 
service (1817), says "they have a sort of foppery with 



EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; I, "SHORT" ARMS. 75 

respect to their sword-belts, which are in general very 
broad and handsomely embroidered; and, though on horse- 
back, they wear them over the shoulder." But the sword 
was not always carried in a belt hung from the shoulder. 
On plate 8 in B.M. Or. 375 (Rieu, 785), A'zam Shah carries 
his sword by three straps hanging from a waist-belt. The 
generic name of a sword was tegh (Arabic), shamsher 
(Persian) or tahcar (Hindi). The Arabic word saif was also 
used occasionally. One kind of shortsword was called the 
mmchah'Shamsher (Steingass 1445), It was the weapon 
carried by Ibrahim Quli Khan in 1187 h. (1725), when 
he made his attack on Hamid Khan at the governor's 
palace in Ahmadabad (Gujarat), Mirat-i-JI/madl, fol. ll^a. 
It is also to be found in the Akharnamah, Lucknow edition, 
ii, 225, second line. I have not seen in Indian works the 
word palaraJc used for a sword in Mujiail-ut-tanhh had 
Nadinyah, p. 110, line 3. 

Names of the various parts are (B.M. N^ 6599 fol. 84a), 
teghah, blade, nabali, furrows on blade, qahzah, hilt, ^ae- 
narelai^), sarnal or muhml and tahndl, metal mountings 
of scabbard, kamrsal (the belt?) ^ handtari^). The quality 
or temper of a blade was its ah (water) or jauhar (lustre). 
One name of the belt was hamajil (Steingass, 430, plural 
oi himalat); and Khair-ud-din, ^Ihratnamah, i, 91, uses 
the word thus, in repeating the speech of one Daler Khan 
and another man to Shah 'Alam (1173 h.), ''fidwl az 
loaqte kih sipar o shamsher ra hamajil kardah-em, gahe ha 
dushman-i-khud pusht na namudaE' -. "Since we hung from 
our shoulders sword and shield never have we shown an 
enemy our back." Another word that I have seen used 
for a sword-belt is kamr-i-khanjar, see Steingass 1049; 
also Budaoni, text, 441, Ranking 566. 

Shamsher. This word when used with a more specific 

1 This is described in Qanoonc Islam, app. XXYIII, as a belt worn by 
women, consisting of square metal tablets hinged together. I find it named 
in native authors as part of men's equipment. 



76 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

meaning, was applied to the curved weapon familiar to us 
as the oriental sword, or as it is frequently called, the 
scimitar. It is purely a cutting weapon, as its shape and 
the small size of the grip sufficiently demonstrate. 

Bhitp, There was a straight sword, adopted from the 
Dakhin, of which the name was dhUp', it had a broad 
blade, four feet long, and a cross hilt. It was considered 
an emblem of sovreignty and high dignity, and was therefore 
displayed on state occasions, being carried in a gorgeous velvet 
covering by a man who held it upright before his master. 
It also lay on the great man's pillow when he was seated 
in darbar, engaged in the transaction of public business. 
This kind of sword was conferred as a distinction upon 
successful soldiers, great nobles, or court favourites, {^Seir, 
i, 549, note 54; i, 551, note 55; ii, 95, note 80; iii, 172, 
note 39). The dhup was also spoken of as ^asa-shams/ier, 
i.e. stafF-sword {Danislmand Khan, 22^^ Rajab, 1120 h.). 
Instances of its being conferred are found in the same 
historian (221^^ Ramazan, 1119 h., twice, and 22^1^ Rajab 
1120 h., once). Mr. Egerton, p. 117, N". 527, note, quotes 
from the Ajn-i-Akhan, ^'Dhoup, straight blade, used by 
most of the Deccanees." I am unable to verify the reference; 
I cannot find the passage in Vol. I, (translation), and the 
word is not in Mr. Blochmann's index. 
_Khanda. This weapon is N^ 2 of the list on p. 112, 
AJn, Vol. I; and from figure 2 on plate xii it would 
seem to be idential with the dhilp. 

Siro/n, The Majasir-ul-Umara, iii, 152, tells us that these 
blades obtained their good repute from the work done with 
them in 1024 h. (1615), during a fight at Ajmer between 
Rajah Suraj Singh, Rathor, and his brother, Kishn Singh. 
'' Whoever was struck on the head by these Indian blades 
was cleft to the waist, or if the cut were on the body, he 
was divided into two parts." Egerton, 105, says this sword 
had "a slightly curved blade, shaped like that of Damascus." 
There is no specimen in the India Museum. Hendley, 



EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; I, "SHORT" ARMS. 77 

"Memorials of the Jeypore Exhibition," 1883, Vol. TI, plate 
xxix, N^ 4, has a sword from the Alwar armoury, which 
he calls a Shikargah or Sirohl gnj bail{?). The blade 
appears slightly lighter and narrower than that of the ordinary 
talwar. Evidently the name is obtained from the place of 
manufacture, Sirohl in Rajputanah, of which "the sword 
blades are celebrated for their excellence now as formerly," 
Thornton, 874. The town is situated in Lat. 24° 59', Long. 
72° 56', 360 miles S. W. of Agrah. 

Patta. This is a narrow-bladed, straight rapier, and is 
to be seen now chiefly when twirled about vigorously by 
the performers in a Muharrara procession. It has a gauntlet 
hilt. The specimens in Egerton are N*\ 402, 403, 404 
(p. 110), 515 (p. 117) 643 (p. 131). There are figures of 
N^ 403 and 404 on p. 104 of his catalogue. 

Gu^il. In the Ajn, i, 110, this is N". 3, and was a 
straight sword having a walking stick as its sheath, the 
name being from H. gupt, concealed. See also figure 3 on 
plate xii of the same volume. Egerton's entries are N^. 516, 
517, 518, 519 (p. 117), 641, 642 (p. 131). The head or 
handle in Blochmann's figure shows that the sword-stick 
and the fakir's crutch were closely allied in appearance, 
and might at times be united. The crutch is depicted in 
Egerton, p. 47, and again on plate xiii (opposite p. 126) 
N". 639 (p. 131), which is however only of dagger length. 
One of these crutches played a conspicuous part in the 
battle of Jajau in June 1707, A'zam Shah, one of the 
contenders for the throne, whirling his crutch frantically, 
as he stood up on his elephant to urge on his troops. 
Jonathan Scott, 11, part IV, 34, note 4, calls it "a short 
crooked staff", about three feet in length, not unlike a 
crozier, used by fakeers to lean on when they sit, and 
often by persons of rank as an emblem of humility." 

Shields. Along with the sword naturally comes the shield, 
the two being almost as closely connected as the arrow 
and the bow. A shield (A. sipar, H. dhal) was inseparable 



78 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

from the sword as part of the swordsman's equipment. Tt 
was carried on the left arm, or when out of use, slung 
over the shoulder. The shield appears at Nos 47 and 
48 in the Ajn, i, HI, and is shown on plate xiii as 
Nos 40 and 41. They were of steel or hide, generally from 
17 to 24 inches in diameter. If of steel, they were often 
highly ornamented with patterns in gold damascening; 
if of hide, they had on them silver or gold bosses, cres- 
cents, or stars. Egerton in a note to N^. 695 (p. 133) 
gives a description of two magnificent steel shields which 
once belonged to the emperor Bahadur Shah (1707 — 1712). 
The kinds of hide used were those of the Sambhar deer, 
the buffalo, the nilgau, the elephant, and the rhinoceros, 
the last being the most highly prized. Brahmans who 
objected to leather had shields made of forty or fifty folds 
of silk painted red and ornamented (Egerton, 111, note 
to N^ 484). More about shields can be seen in the same- 
work, pp. 47, 48, 49. The specimens in the Indian Museum 
are numerous, see Egerton pp. Ill, 118, 134, 139. The 
curious snake-skin {nagphanl) shield, N°. 365 (p. 103), is 
not a Moghul weapon. 

Chirwah and TilwaJi. — According to the Ajii, Bloch- 
mann, i, 252, these were the shields carried by the Shamsher- 
baz, or gladiators, groups of whom always surrounded 
Akbar on the march, Akharnamah , (Lucknow edition), ii, 
225, second line. 

Fe7icing Shields. Following the dhal or shield the Ajn^ 
i. Ill, has N". 49, the kherah, ^^^^^ , but there is no figure of it. 
I presume that this is the same word as ^*)^i\girwah (Shaks., 

1695) or ^^^^ ganoah (Steingass, 1081), both meaning a shield. 
I can find no word khera/i in the dictionaries, but it might 
be ghera, q^, a round, a circle (Shakes. 1759), with allusion 
to the form of a shield. Again W. 50 Pahrl, (Jjn, i. 111) 
is described by Blochmann, p. xi, as a plain cane shield. 
It is shown as N^. 42 on plate xiii. This must evidently 
be Pharly grff, Hindi for a small shield of cane or bambu 



EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; I, "SHORT" ARMS. 79 

(Shakes. 580). The quaint implement, maru or sinrjauta, made 
of a pair of antelope horns tipped with steel and united 
at tlie butt-ends, Egerton, p. Ill and p. \^'6 , ^ho i\\Q sainti 
(id. 118 and plate x), may be classed as parrying shields. 

II. The Mace. 

This formidable-looking weapon, the mace {gurz), usually 
formed part of the panoply of a Moghul warrior, at any 
rate if he were of any considerable rank. It appears as 
N". 25 in the A}7i list, i, 111, and varieties of it are 
entered under N^ 26 {sJiashhur) and N^. 29 {piyazi). 
Blochmann gives no figure of the latter, N°. 29, and from 
his remarks on p. x he seems a little doubtful as to what 
it was. The giirz is shown in figure 23, plate xii, of the 
A}n as a short-handled club with three large round balls 
at the end. Another kind, the shashbur, or lung-tearer \ 
figure 21, has a single head, of a round shape; and from 
Egerton, 23, plate i, N^ 35, I should suppose that it was 
made up of semi-circular, cutting blades arranged round 
a centre. Of the gurz, or mace proper, there are three 
examples in the Indian Museum. N". 466 (p. 115 and 
plate x) is 2 feet 7 inches long, with a many bladed 
double-head, that is one head above the other; N^. 574 
(p. 123 and plate x) has a globular head of 3 inches in 
diameter and a shaft of steel gilt, length 2 feet 2 inches; 
N^ 616 (p. 130) is 2 feet 2 inches long and has a steel shaft 
with a six-bladed head. Other weapons of a similar kind 
named by Egerton are the Dhara, the Garguz and the 
Khmidh-F/iansl. The Dhara, W. 468 (p. 115), has a six 
bladed head and octagonal steel shaft; it is 2 feet long, 
and came from Kolhaptir. Of the garguz there are four 
specimens. Nos 373 and 374 (p. 108 and plate x) have 
eight-bladed heads and basket hilts, one is 2 feet 7 inches 

^ Egerton, 21, says this weapon is mentioned by Babar, but I have 
been unable to find the passage in P. de Courteille's translation of the 
"Memoirs." 



80 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

and the other 2 feet 8 inches long; N''. 467 (p. 115) is 
7-bladed with basket hilt, length 2 feet 4 inches; N^ 469 
(p. 115) is eight-bladed with a similar hilt, length 2 feet 
10 inches. The Khundll Phansl, N^ 470 (p. 115 and plate 
x), is 19 inches long, has a head of open scroll work, and 
is probably one of the BairagT crutches already referred to. 
Pliansi means a noose in Hindi, but 1 do not see the 
appropriateness of the name here, nor do 1 know what 
Khundll can mean. 

The Flail (H. smit) is another weapon that may be 
classed with the Mace. These are two specimens in the 
Indian Museum, Egerton N^s 62, 63 (p. 78), and one is 
shown as N^. 24 on plate i opposite p. 23. 1 should also 
class among maces the Pusht-khar or back-scratcher, Ajn, 
i. 111, W. 41, made of steel in the shape of a hand. It 
is shown as N*^. 35 on plate xiii of Blochmann's volume. 
The same is the case with the Khar-i-main, or fishback- 
bone, of steel spikes projecting from each side of a straight 
handle, Ajn, i, 111, W. 41, and N^ 37, plate xiii. The 
Gujbag put among weapons in the Jjn, i, 111, N^. 46, 
and N^. 39, plate xiii, is only the common elephant goad 
or ankus, 

111. The Battle Axe. 

The battle-axe {tahar) will be found at N^ 28 of the 
Ajn, i. 111 and on plate xii, figure N°. 22. This figure 
shows a triangular blade with one broad cutting edge. 
When the head was pointed and provided with two cutting 
edges, the axe was called a Zaghnol, or crow's beak (id. 
N^. 30, and plate xii, ^g. 24). A double headed axe, 
with a broad blade on one side and a pointed one on the 
other side of the handle, was styled a Tahar zaghnol (id. 
N^ 32, and plate xii, fig. 26). An axe with a longer 
handle, called Tarangalah, was also in use (id. N^. 33 
and plate xii, fig. 27, see also Egerton plate i, N^. 22). 



EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; I, ''SHORT" ARMS. 81 

Of the Tabar there are seven entries 375, 876, 377 (p. ]08), 
7]], 712, 713 (p. 137) and 746 (p. 144). There is a figure 
of N". 376 on plate x opposite p. 114. The shafts of these 
range from 17 inches to 23 inches in length; the heads 
measuring from 5 to 6 inches one way and 3 to 5 inches 
the other way. Some of the heads are crescent shaped, and 
one of the shafts is hollowed and contains daggers. I omit 
Egerton's Parma (p. 7) and Venmuroo (N^. 89, 90) as 
not being Moghul weapons. There is also a weapon styled 
Basolah, N^. 31 of the Ajn list, i. 111. The name sounds 
as if it were derived from the Hindi basula, a carpenter's 
adze, but the figure, N^. 25, plate xii, looks more like 
a chisel than any other tool. 

Silver axes highly ornamented were carried for display 
by the attendants in the hall of audience (Egerton, note 
to W. 375, p. 108). These attendants were the Yasawal, 
and Anand Ram calls the axes they carried Chamchaq 
{Mirat-ul-lstilah, fol, 193^). Besides this form of the word, 
we find also Chamkhaq, Ghakhmaq, Chak//magh, Steingass, 
388, 399, "a battle~axe fastened to the^saddle." 

IV. Spears. 

The usual generic name used for spears of all kinds 
was the Arabic word sinan, pi. asnan, Steingass, 60, 698. 
The head or point was called sunain^ Mirat-i-AI/madi \l^a, 
Steingass, 704; and the butt was the hunain, Steingass, id. 
There were several varieties of this class of weapon. The 
cavalry, however, seem to have confined themselves to the 
use of the lance {nezaJt), and the other kinds were used 
by foot soldiers and the guards surrounding the emperor's 
audience hall. There is also some evidence for the use, at 
any rate among the Mahrattas, of a javelin or short spear, 
which was thrown (Journal As. Soc. Bengal, XLVlll, 1879, 
p. 101). The kinds of spear mentioned in the Ajn-i-Akbari, 
i, 112, are five the Nezah, N^ 20, Barch/iah, W. 2J, 
Sank, N^ 22, Sainthl, N^. 23, and Selarah, N^ 24. 



82 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Nezah. This is the cavalry lance, a small steel head with 
a long bainbu shaft. Steingass, 1442, has Nezah ''a short 
spear, demi-lance, javelin, dart, pike." But this is not borne 
out by the usage of Indian writers, who by this word 
intend a long-shafted spear. It appears in the Ajn, i. 111, 
as N^ 20, and is shown at N^ 16 of plate xii. Bhala I 
take to be only the Hindi equivalent for Nezah. Shakespear, 
386, says Bhcda is from Sanskrit ;t^^, a spear about 7 
cubits or IOV2 feet long, a lance with a narrow head. 
Including Nezah, Bhala and spears (unclassed), I find nine 
entries in W. Egerton, vizt. 463 (p. 115) 606, 607, 608, 
609, 610, 611, 612 two (p. 130). Of these one has a 
small head and long bambu shaft; another a palmwood 
shaft and small triangular head; four have bambu shafts 
12 to 15 feet in length, with heavy bossed butts and 
small heads; N^ 611, length 8 feet, head 16 inches; N^ 612 
(two), length 9 feet and 9 feet 3 inches, head 21 inches. 

The nezah or lance was so prominent a part of the 
Mahratta equipment that one writer Mhd Qasim, Auran- 
gabadi, {Ahwal-ul-Khawaqln, fol. 20 Iff and elsewhere) instead 
of the usual ''accursed enemy" {ghanm-i-la''im) calls them 
nezah-bazan, *'lance-wielders." He thus describes, fol. 2056, 
their mode of using the lance: ''They so use it that no 
cavalry can cope with them. Some 20,000 to 30,000 lances 
are held up against their enemy, so close together as not 
to leave a span between their heads. If horsemen try to 
ride them down, the points of the spears are levelled at 
the assailants and they are unhorsed. While the cavalry 
are charging them, they strike their lances against each 
other, and the noise so frightens the horses, that they turn 
round and bolt." 

As to the usual mode of wielding the spear, we see in 
a picture of a battle, inserted between fol. 14/; and fol. 15« 
of B.M., Or: 3610 (Rieu, Supp. p. 54, W, 79) showing an 
attack on the elephant of Raff-ush-shan, that the man on 
horseback ("Abd-us-saraad Khan) who is attacking the prince, 



EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; 1, ''SHORT" ARMS. S3 

held his spear uplifted above his head at the full length 
of his arm. In other pictures the same attitude is seen in 
the case of horsemen attacking horsemen. 

Barchhah. This is a Hindi word, also spelt Barchlia and 
Barchhl. W. Egerton, note to N". 401, p. 115, quoting 
Tod's "Rajasthan," says ''the Mahratta lance is called 
"Birchha." This statement taken literally may be true; it 
is false, if taken as suggesting that the Barchhah is an 
exclusively Mahratta arm. We find the Barchhah in the 
Jjn list of Moghul arms, drawn up long before the Mah- 
rattas had been heard of as a military power. It is a well 
known word and weapon all over Northern India, hundreds 
of miles from the Mahratta country. We have it figured 
as N*^. 17 of plate xii of the Aj?i (vol. I). Its distinctive 
feature is its being made wholly of iron or steel, shaft as 
well as head. See also Egerton's description, p. 123, note 
preceding N^. 574, of two specimens in the Codrington 
collection. This heavy spear could hardly have been wielded 
by a man on horse-back, and was no doubt confined to 
the infantry. 

Sank. This form of the word is Blochmann's translite- 
ration, Ajn, i, 110, N*^. 22. According to present day 
pronunciation it would be Sang. The second mark over 
the letter kaf is very often omitted by scribes, and thus 
t^ might easily stand for ^. Sang, (Shakes. 1239) is from 
the Sanskrit ^ or ^rm, shanku, shakli. It was entirely of 
iron, but according to the figure in the Ajn, i, plate xii, 
fig. 18, it was much shorter than the Barchhah. On the 
other hand, those in the Indian Museum are 7 feet 11 inches 
in total length, of which the head occupies 2 feet 6 inches. 
They have long, slender, four-sided or three-sided heads, 
steel shafts, and the grip covered with velvet, (Egerton, 
N^. 72, p. 81, and figure on p. 79), N^. 461, two, (p. 115). 

The Indian name for the modern bayonet is sangln. 
This may probably mean a little sang; and is possibly 
formed from sang by a shortening of the vowel and the 



84 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS, 

addition of the diminutive termination ^5 nasalized. The 
long, slender, three sided or four sided head of the sang 
presents a resemblance to the shape of a bayonet; and in 
.Hindi it is not uncommon, in the case of inanimate objects, 
to employ the feminine termination ''?" as a diminutive, 
thus gold, a ball, goli, a bullet, ha7ida a cauldron, hdndl, 
a small pot, cJiakkd a wheel, chakkl, a hand-mill. 

Saintlil. This is a Hindi word, also spelt saintl. Shakes- 
pear, 1370, defines it as a dart, javelin, short spear, bolt. 
It is N°. 23 in the Ajn, i, 111, and appears as N^. 19 
on plate xii. The shaft is still shorter than that of the 
sang. It is not given in Egerton. Has the name any con- 
nection with sentM, Hindi for a kind of reed? 

&elarah This is W, 24 of the Ayn list, i, 111, and it 
is figured on plate xii (N^ 20) as a spear with a head 
and shaft longer than those of the sarnthl but not so long 
as those of the sang. There is no mention of it in Egerton, 
and outside the Ajn I have never either seen the weapon 
or come across the word. Possibly the word has some 
connection with the Hindi sel, ^t:^, a spear, said to be 
(Shakes. 1368) from Sanskrit ^s^^. 

Other kinds of spears. Four names, Ballam, Pandl-ballam, 
Panjmukh, and Lange occur in Egerton as kinds of spears, 
though omitted from the Ajn. 

The Ballam is well-known in moderm Hindi, and is 
defined. Shakes. 354, as a spear, pike, lance. Egerton has 
two specimens, N^s 27 and 28 (p. 78), which are described 
as having barbed heads and wooden shafts, total length 
5 feet 11 inches, of which the blade takes up 18 inches. 
On p. 123, quoting from the Codrington catalogue, Mr. 
Egerton says the Ballam is a short spear with broad head, 
used by infantry. 

Payidi-hallam (Egerton N*^. 29, p. 78) is a hog-spear 
with leafshaped blade, and bambu shaft, total length 8 feet 
3 inches (blade 2 feet 3 inches). 

Panjmukh is described on p. 137 in a note to N". 710, 



EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; T, "SHORT" ARMS. 85 

on the authority of the Codrington catalogue, as a "five- 
headed spear used by the people of Guzerat." The derivation 
is, of course, panj, five, mukh, head. 

Lange is mentioned on p. 1:28 in a quotation from the 
Codrington catalogue, and it is suggested that the word 
is a corruption of "lance." It has a four-cornered iron head 
with a hollow shaft. 

Other designations for a spear are also to be found in 
Shakespear, vizt. : 

Garhiya, (col. 1705), Pike, javelin, spear; 

^Jlam, (1458), Spear (properly a standard or banner); 

Ko7it, (1637) spear from Sans. ^;^7\. 

"^Alam I have heard used, but I never met with the two 
other words. To complete the long list I may as well add 
the sort of bill-hook or pole-axe, ganclasa, a steel chopper 
attached to a long pole, which is the weapon of the modern 
cliaukidar or village watchman. 

V. Daggers and Knives. 

These were of various shapes and kinds, for each ot 
which there was a separate name. 

Kafar, hatarah, Jcatcm, This is a Hindi word, kattar 
(Shak., 1556), probably from the same root as the verb 
Jcatna, to cut. The translator of the Seir (i, 549, note 53) 
thus describes it, "A poignard peculiar to India made with 
a hilt, whose two branches extend along the arm, so as 
to shelter the hand and part of the arm. The blade is very 
thick with two cutting edges, having a breadth of three 
inches at the hilt and a solid point of about one inch in 
breadth. The blade cannot be bent and is so stiff that 
nothing will stop it but a cuirass. The total length is 2 
to 22- feet, one half of this being the blade." The hilt has 
at right angles to the blade a cross-bar by which the 
weapon is grasped, and it is thus only available for a 
forward thrust. It is named in the Aj7i, i, 112, being N". 10, 
and it is fig. 9 on plate xii. There the blade is slightly 



86 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

curved; Mustapha's description corresponds perhaps more 
nearly to Hg. 4 of the same plate, the jamdhar. There are 
about twenty five specimens entered in Egerton (pp. 102, 
109, 116, 131) and five of these are shown on plates ix, 
X (two) and xiii (two). The blades are of various patterns, 
and the length varies from 9 to 175 inches. One W. 340 
is forked or two-bladed. Yule, "Glossary" 815, refers to 
two from Travancore which had blades of 20 and 26 inches. 
Others of great length are described by Mr. Walhouse in 
the "Indian Antiquary," vii, 193. The Bank is called in 
Egerton, W. 335, p. 102, the B. katari, but the figure 
on plate ix shows it as being like a knife and without 
the handle characteristic of the katar. Stavorinus, quoted 
by Yule, "Glossary," 816, speaks of a dagger, the name of 
which he translates as hellt/ piercer. No one seems to know^ 
what Indian word was intended unless it were the kaffar, 
which may be translated the "cutter" {quasi, "piercer"). 

Jamdhar. This is W. 4 in the Ajn, i, 112, and figure 
N*^. 4 in plate xii. This figure has the same handle as 
a kattar\ but the blade is very broad and straight, while 
the katfar is given a curved blade. On the contrary Mr. 
Egerton, p. 102, and plate ix, Nos 344 and 345, shows 
the jamdhar katarl with a straight blade and a handle to 
be held like one holds a table-knife or a sword. The 
etymology of the word as given by J. Shakespear, 1790, 
is jam, from the Sanskrit ?ft, death, and dhar, from ^jv{, a 
sharp edge. But see also Yule, "Glossary", 358, under 
"Jumdud" {jamdad). 

Khanjar. We are told by Steingass, 476, that this is A., 
for dagger, poinard. There are eight specimens in the 
Indian Museum, Egerton, 502 to 506 (p. 116), 626, 627«, 
627 (p. 131): two are shown on plate x (opp. p. 114). 
Most of these have doubly-curved blades, and are about 
12 inches long. The Khanjar is N^ 5 in the Ajn, i, 110; 
and on plate xii, N'-. 5, it is shown as a bent dagger 
with a double curve in the blade and a hilt like a sword. 



EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; I, "SHORT" ARMS. 87 

Figures N^s 5 and 7 on W. P]gerton's plate vi (opp. p. 
53) appear to be Khanjar. Mustapha, Seir, i, 152, note 
114, says that "the Khanjar is a poinard, with a bent 
blade, peculiar to the Turks, who carry it upright and on 
the right side; but it is occasionally worn by both Persians 
and Indians, the latter wearing it on the left side and 
inclined." Our word "hanger" is derived from Khanjar 
(Yule and Burnell, 312). Then we have the 

Jamkhrd-, Ajn, i, 110, N^ 7, plate xii, N". 7. If it 
were not for the middle letter Mf ^, 1 would have sug- 
gested that this word was a misreading for chamkhakh 
^Lj5:w5^, a battle axe (Steingass, 389), see ante, under iii. 
Battle Axes. The figure in the Ajn shows a dagger and 
not an axe. — Could it be intended for Chaqchaq, a kind 
of knife? 

Jhambwah, Ajn, i, 110, W. 9, plate xii N'*. 9 and 
Egerton 106 (p. 82), 486—9 (p. 116), 798—9 (p. 145). 
He also gives figures on plate i, N^. 29 (p, 23) and fig. 
17 on p. 79. The Jamhwah is also mentioned by him on 
p. 124 in a note to W. 581. Steingass, 373, only gives 
jamhiyah, "a kind of arms or armour." Shakespear, 789, 
has "a dagger." There are also some interesting remarks 
by Yule, ^'Glossary", 357, under ^'Jumbeea." He inclines 
to a derivation from janh. A., the side. 

Bank, Ajn, i, 110, N^ 8, and figure N^ 7, plate xii; 
Egerton, Nos 480—1 (p. 115), and note to N^ 581 (p. 124), 
figure 31 on his plate i, (opp. p. 23). The name evidently 
comes from its curved shape (^tcft, a curvature, a bend, 
Shakes. 275^). 

Nar Singh moth, Ajn i, 110, W. 11 and figure 11, plate 
xii; Egerton, fig. W\ 30 on plate i (opp. p. 23). 

All four of these weapons seem of the same class as the 
Khanjar, though varying slightly in form. The same may 
be said of the Bichhiva and the Khapwah. Bichhica, literally 
"scorpion", had a wavy blade. It is mentioned by Egerton, 
27, and there are specimens in the India Museum, No«490 — 8 



88 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

(p. 116), 628 (p. 131), and plate x (opp. p. 114). The 
Khapiva/i, N". 6 in the Ajn, i, 110, must have been some 
sort of dagger; there is no figure of it on plate xii, but 
Egerton's plate i, N". 28, shows it as almost identical with 
the jambwah. May it not mean ''the finisher, the giver of 
the coup de graced' from the h. verb khapna, to fill up, 
to complete, as in the phrase, den khap-gya ''the debt has 
been liquidated?" The Persian word is dashnah (Steingass, 
527). In some manuscripts of the Akbarnamah (near the 
end of the 1 7^^ year), it is said, as Mr. H. Beveridge has 
pointed out to me, that Akbar when drunk ran after Shahbaz 
Khan of Malwah, and tried to strike him "^\i\iQ. dashnah, 
called in Hindi a khapwaK\ because he refused to sing. 

Peshqabz. The word is from P. pesh, front, qabz, grip. 
It was a pointed one-edged dagger, having generally a thick 
straight back to the blade, and a straight handle without 
a guard; though at times the blade was curved, or even 
double-curved. The Peshkabz is not in the Ajni, 110 — 112, 
so I presume that it was included under one of the other 
kinds of dagger, perhaps under kard, a knife, N°. 34 and 
fig. 28, Plate xii. In Egerton I find twenty three examples : 
346 (p. 102), 381 (p. 108), 382 (p. 109), 484—5 (p. 116), 
617—625 (p. 130), 717—724 (p. 138), 760 (p. 144). Of 
these there are 7 straight, 4 curved, and 2 double-curved 
blades; the shape of the rest is not stated. On plate xiv 
(opp. p. 136) he shows four, and on plate xv (opp. p. 
140) one of these specimens. Some of the hilts have guards 
to them, others have none. N°. 624 is like the Ixhanjar in 
the Ayn, fig. 6, plate xii; W, 721 something like the 
jambhivah, fig. 8, same plate, and the others, N^s 712, 720, 
760, more like the kard, or knife, fig. 28, same plate. 

Kard. This was like a butcher's knife and kept in a 
sheath. It was more especially the weapon of the Afghan. 
For an example, see Egerton N^ 750 (p. 144) and the 
figure on plate xv, where the total length is 2 feet 6 inches, 
and that of the blade alone 2 feet. This was the sort of 



EQUIPMENT. — (b) OFFENSIVE ARMS; I, ''SHORT" ARMS. 89 

weapon with which, on the 8^^ October 1720, Mir Haidar 
Beg, Diighlat, assassinated Sayyad Husain 'All Khan, Mir 
BakhshT, in the emperor's camp between Fathpur Sikri and 
Amber (Jaipur), Mhd Qasim, LahorT, ^Ibratnamah, 1.0. L. 
N'\ 252, fol. 348. The author of the Jou/iar-i'Sammtn, fol. 
138/^, calls the weapon then used a chaqchaql'i-ioilayatt. This 
word is related to yL:=-, a knife, (Steingass, 386, from Turkish). 
We have also in the Ajn, i, 111, i\\Q giipti-kard, or knife 
concealed in a stick (N°. 35, and plate xiii, W. 29), 
the whip-shaped knife, qamchl-kard (N*^. 36 and plate xiii, 
N*^. 30), and the clasp-knife or chaqu (N^. 37 and plate 
xiii, W\ 31). 

Sailclbah-i'Qalmaqt was the name for the knife used by 
the men from Kashghar; it was as long as a sword, had 
a handle made of a fish-bone called sher-maM (lion-fish), 
and was worn slung from a shoulder belt, Ashob, fol. 
172^, 1785. 



CHAPTER IX. 

EQUIPMENT. — (C) OFEENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 

I exclude from tins heading what is generally classed 
as artillery, weapons of attack which were not carried by 
the individual soldier nor discharged by him without 
assistance. The three kinds of weapon included are I, 
Bows and arrows; II, Matchlocks; III, Pistols. Of these 
the first was without comparison the favourite weapon, 
the cavalry nearly all carried it, and the Moghul horsemen 
were famed for their archery. It was feigned that the Bow 
and arrow were brought down straight from Heaven, and 
given to Adam by the archangel Gabriel. Weapons were 
estimated in the following order. The sword was better 
than the dagger, the spear better than the sword, the bow 
and arrow better than the spear, {Risalah-i-i'ir o hayitan). 

The use of the bow persisted throughout the 18**1 century, 
in spite of fire-arms having become more common, better 
made, and their handling better understood. Nay, somewhat to 
our astonishment, we read in W. Forbes Mitchell's ''Reminis- 
cences of the Great Mutiny," p. 76, that he saw the bow 
used by the rebels at the second relief of Lakhnau in Nov. 
1857. ''In the force defending the Shah Najaf, in addition 
to the regular army, there was a large body of archers 
on the walls, armed with bows and arrows, which they 
discharged with great force and precision, and on a serjeant 
of the 93>^d raising his head above a wall, an arrow was 
shot right through his feather bonnet. One man raising 
his head for an instant above the wall got an arrow right 
through his brain, the shaft projecting more than a foot 



EQUIPMENT. — (c) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 91 

out at the back of his head. In revenge the men gave a 
volley. One unfortunate man exposed himself a little too 
long and before he could get down into shelter again, an 
arrow was sent right through his heart, passing clean 
through his body and falling on the ground a fe^v yards 
behind him. He leaped about six feet into the air, and 
fell stone-dead." 

One would have thought this to be the last occasion on 
which the bow was used in serious fighting by any but 
the merest savages. But Mrs. Bishop, writing from Chefoo 
on the 18th Oct. 1894 (St. James' Gazette, Dec. l^t 1894), 
speaks of meeting large numbers of carts ''loaded with new 
bows and arrows, Avith which to equip the Banner men 
of the capital (Pekin)." And this in the days of Krupp 
and Maxim guns! 

The Matchlock, a cumbrous and probably ineffective 
weapon, was left mainly for the infantry. Pistols sesm to 
have been rareties. 

I. Bows. 

The Moghul bowmen were considered to be especially 
expert with their weapon ; as Bernier says, 48, "a horseman 
shooting six times before a musketeer can fire twice." The 
word ogc/il quoted by Horn, 108, from the Akharnamah, 
is hardly to be found in the later writers, those of the 18^^ 
century; an archer is styled by them a Tlr-andaz (literally, 
arrow-thrower), not oqchi ^ But that word is used by 
Anand Ram once in reference to Ahmad Abdali's first 
invasion in 1161 h. (I.O.L. W\ 1612, fol. 705), though 
there the scribe has spelt it auncld. Shakespear, 219, has 
what he classes as a Hind! word, opcin, defined as ''A man 
armed with weapons or clothed in mail." May this not be 
a corruption of oqchi^ an archer? This word, opchi, is used 
by Shridhar Murlidhar in his poem on FarrukhsTyar, line 
594, (Journal A.S.B. (1900) Vol. LXIX, i, 14, 39): 

* Pavet de Courteille, Diet., 68, v_i'i' , an arrow. 



92 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Pile opc/d topchl topo ghanere. 

"Gathered archers, gunners, guns, without end." Of course, 
this may be simply the reduplication, so common in Indian 
vernaculars, such as k liana- wdna^ food, panl'ioanl^ water. 
Mild Qasim, Aurangabadi, Ahwal-uUkhaioaqln, 28 8^^, and 
a rather later writer, Khair-ud-din (c. 1208 h.), ^Ihratnamah, 
105, have kamandar (bow-holder) for archer. 

CharkL In the Ja/ian kusliae Nadirl of Mirza Mahdi, 
p. 233, (year 1151 h.) we have a reference to the C//«r^7/c^i- 
bas/n, or head of the charkh men. W". Jones, "Nader Chah", 
ii, ^^, renders this by "maitre de I'artillerie", and is followed 
by the German translator, 293. Steingass has neither 
charkhchi nor charkhchi-bashl. Charkh has many meanings: 
among them being "a wheel," "a cart," "a crossbow." 
Here I suppose we ought to render charkh by "cross-bow", 
and not by "artillery." Charkhchi is to be found in the 
Muj?nil-ut-tariM ba^d Nadiriyah, p. 95, line 13. 

Kaman. The Moghul bow {kaman) was about 4 feet long, 
and generally shaped in a double curve. The bow was of 
horn, wood, bambu, ivory, and sometimes of steel (Egerton, 
81, note to N^ 80). Two of these steel bows, in the 
Emperor of Russia's collection at Zarkoe Selo, belonged to 
the emperor, Bahadur Shah (1708 — 1712); they bear verses 
in his honour and are covered with rich gold damascened 
work (Egerton, 114, note to W. 457). The grip was 
generally covered with velvet. Mr. Egerton, 144, describes 
the Persian bow in detail, and the same description applies, 
there can be little doubt, to the bows used in India, for 
there they copied everything Persian, and in fact many 
of the principal officers were themselves Persians. 

Mr. Egerton says "the concave side of the bow (the 
convex when strung) was lined with several strings of 
thick catgut to give it elasticity and force. The belly is 
made of buffalo or wild goats' horn, jet black and of a 



EaUIPMENT. — (C) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 93 

fine polish ; glued to this is a thin slip of hard, tough 
wood. The ends are fashioned to represent snakes' heads. 
The horn is left plain, while the wooden back is decorated 
with rich arabesques of birds, flowers or fruit intermingled 
with gilding." Captain Thomas Williamson, ''Oriental Field 
Sports", 87, describes thus the construction of the Indian 
bows kept for show or amusement, and also carried by 
travellers. They were of buffalo horn in two pieces curved 
exactly alike, each having a wooden tip for the receipt of 
the string; their other ends were brought together and 
fastened to a strong piece of wood that served as a centre 
and was gripped by the left hand. After being neatly 
fitted, they were covered with a size made of animal fibres, 
after which very fine tow was wrapped round, laid on thin 
and smooth. They were then painted and varnished. 

The notch. The notches at the ends into which the string 
was fixed were called goshah (Steingass, 1104), literally 
"corner," also sufar {Dastur ul Insha, 228, Steingass 709). 
The latter word is used in Ahioal-ul-hhawaqln (c. 1147 h.), 
foL 12«. ~" 

The string. This was called either zih or chillah, Hindi 
names are roda^, Shak., 1195, catgut, a sinew used as a 
bow-string, and panach or panchak (id. 552, 553). Bow 
strings were made of strong threads of white silk laid 
together until of the thickness of a goose quill. Whipping 
of the same material was then bound firmly round for a 
length of three or four inches at the centre, and to this 
middle piece large loops of scarlet or other colour were 
attached by a curious knot. These gaudy loops formed a 
striking contrast to the white silk (Egerton, 144). Captain 
Williamson, on the contrary, says, p. 87, that the string 
was composed of numerous thin catguts laid together 
without twirling, then lapped with silk in the middle and 
at the ends. 

The finger stall. This was called zihgir (Steingass 631), 

1 Roda.^ a bow string, is in Steingass, 592. Is it Persian or Hindi or both ? 



94 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

bow-string holder, or shast (id. 743). It was also styled 
Shast-awez (Anand Ram, Mirat-ul-Isiilah, fol, 155/^, 182a). 
Of this last the etymology would be shast, the thumb, 
awez, attached or fastened to, that is, a thumb-stall. Bloch- 
mann, Aj7i, i. 111, N^ 42, and note 3, says the shast- 
dioez was a weapon resembling the girih-kusha, N^. 43, 
that is, a kind of spear. He has no figure of it. May he 
not have been mistaken, and is not Anand Ram's direct 
assertion to be preferred? 

The bowman drew with his thumb only, the bent fore- 
finger being merely pressed on one side of the arrow nock 
to secure it from falling, or as Dr. Weissenberg (quoting 
V. Luschau) says, p. 52, the forefinger was pressed on the 
nail of the thumb to strengthen the pull without increasing 
the exertion. To prevent the flesh being torn by the bow 
string the zihgir had been invented (Egerton, 114). It was 
a broad ring, and according to a man's rank and means 
was of precious stone, crystal, jade, ivory, horn, fishbone, 
gold or iron. A very valuable zihgir^ part of the Labor 
booty, one that had belonged to Lord Dalhousie, is described 
in the "Daily Telegraph" of the W^ November 1898. 
It was formed of a single emerald and was 21 inches 
across at the widest part and U inches in depth. It bore 
an inscription which is thus translated : "For a bow ring for 
the King of Kings, Nadir, Lord of the Conjunction, from the 
Jewel House it was selected, 1152" (=A.D. 1739). From 
the date and the wording of this inscription it is to be 
inferred that it was part of the spoil carried ofi" from Dihli. 
How it found its way back to Labor we do not know. 
Sometimes two thimbles were worn instead of a zihgir, on 
the first and second fingers of the right hand. Upon the 
inside of this ring (the zihgir), which projected half an 
inch, the string rested when the bow w^as drawn; on the 
outside the ring was only half the breadth, and in loosing 
the arrow the archer straightened his thumb, which set 
the arrow free. (Egerton, 114, Q^wQ\Jmg\k\.Q Booh of Archery , 



EQUIPMENT. — (C) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 95 

136). By the use of the ring the distance to which an 
arrow could be shot was increased. But its use required 
skill and practice; the Hindus used instead a thumbstall 
of leather {Mirrd-ul-Istilal/^ fol. 155^). These rings with a 
spare string were usually carried in a small box suspended 
at the man's side (Egerton, 114). Dr. S. Weissenberg, of 
Elisabethgrad, Russia, has devoted an article to these rings 
in the Miltheilmigen der anihrojjologischen Gesellschaft in 
Wien, Band XXV (1895) pp. 50 — 56, where he gives 
figures of eight of them. He divides them into two classes 
1) cylindrical, 2) with tongue-like projection. Those des- 
cribed by him are of bone or stone, and six out of thirteen 
were found in the ruins of Sarae, a former capital of the 
Qipchaq. See also a thumb ring of ivory (now in the 
Nuremberg museum) figured on the plate at p. 887 of 
A. Demmin, '-'Die KriegswafFen", 4th ed., 1893. 

Takhsh kaman. This is N*^. 13 of the AJn i, 110, and 
it is described by Blochmann, p. v, as a small bow. It is 
shown in figure N^ 12 of plate xii. Steingass, 288, defines 
takhh as a cross-bow, an arrow, a rocket. 

Kaman-i-gurohah. This was a pellet-bow, identical, I 
presume, with the modern gulel, with which boys scare 
birds from the ripening crops. It is N°. 38 in the Ajn i, 
111 and appears as N^ 32 of plate xiii. Steingass, 1085, 
has for guroha, a ball or spherical figure. 

Gob/tan. The sling, Ajn i. 111, N*^. 45 and plate xiii, 
N°. 38, may as well be included here. The form in 
Shakespear 1727, is gophan. Khafi Khan, ii, 656, uses the 
word sang-i-falakhnn for the slings brought by the villagers 
who assembled in 1710 to aid in the defence of Jalalabad 
town against the Sikhs led by Bandah. Steingass, 936, has 
^i>bl5 , ^Li>^5 , (iC;.^bi5, falakhan^falakhan, falasang, a sling. 

Kamthah, kamanth. This is the long bow of the Bhlls. 
We find it named in the Ajn list, i. 111, as W. 39 under 
the first form; the second is that used by Anand Ram, 
Mukhlis, Mirat'ul'IstilaU, fol. 184^. Blochmann, p. x, in 



96 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

describing fig. 33 of his plate xiii confounds the kamfha 
with the Kaman-i-guroha or pellet bow. I think this must 
be wrong. Steingass, 1051, has a word kamnait, an archer, 
which he thinks might be from P. kaman, ho^, plus Sanskrit, 
netd, owner. The word might, with more probability, be 
connected with the above words kamfha or kamant//, just 
as dhalait, a man with a shield, comes from dhal, a shield; 
or gorait, a watchman, from agorna, to watch. According 
to Shakespear, 2258, kamtha is Hindi for abowofbambu. 

The Bhils held the bow by the foot, drawing the string 
{chillah) with the hand, and shooting so strongly that their 
arrows could penetrate an elephants' hide. W. Egerton, 75, 
quoting Tod's ''Rajpoot Tribes" (a reference which I have 
failed in verifying) says the principal weapon of the Bhils 
was the kamptl or bambu bow, with a string made of a 
thin strip of the elastic bark of the bambu. In their quiver 
were sixty barbed arrows each a yard long, those intended 
for striking fish having heads Avhich came off the shaft 
on striking the fish. A long line connected this head and 
the shaft, so that the shaft remained on the water by way 
of a float. 

Nawak. This was a pipe through which an arrow was 
shot. As I understand it, this was either a cross-bow, or 
formed in some way a part of the ordinary bow. It was 
not, I think, a mere blow-pipe, like those used by the 
Malays for their poisoned arrows, as mentioned by Egerton, 
97, 98, Nos 263—268. Those specimens of the pipe are 
6 feet 6 inches to 7 feet 6 inches long, and the arrows 
used with them 12 inches long. The nawak is N^. 14 of 
the A}7i list, i, 110, but there is no figure of it. The 
weapon was known at Farrukhabad in the IS^li century 
(Journal A. S. B., XLVII, 33lT Steingass 1382, has 7ido, 
a trough, a pipe, and ndwak^ dim. of nao, a small arrow, 
an arrow for shooting birds, with notch on side; a tube 
through which an arrow is projected ; a cross-bow ; a reed 
or anything hollow. 



EQUIPMENT. — (C) OPEENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 97 

Tufak-i-dahan. The Ajn has also a blow-pipe, which it 
calls tufak-i-dahan (lit. mouth- tube), N". 40, i, iii and 
N^. 34, plate xiii. Steingass, 314, defines this as a tube 
for shooting clay balls through by force of the breath. 

Arrows. The arrow {tir) is given at N". 15 of the list 
in the Ajn i, 110, and it is shown as fig. 14« on plate 
xii. iVnother name, siharn is found in the Mirat-i-A/madl, 
fol, 178«; it is the plural of sahm, an arrow, Steingass, 
710; see also Lane, ''Lexicon," 1454, sa/iamahu, iii. Captain 
Williamson, ''Oriental Field Sports," 87, says that in Bengal 
there were two kinds of arrow shafts, the common kind 
made of reeds, and those used against tigers, made of wood. 
To the first kind the heads were attached by resin; in the 
second kind, a hole was bored and the head while red-hot 
was forced into it. Some arrows in the India Museum are 
2 feet 4 inches long (Egerton 130, N*'. 604). One as long 
as 6 feet, obtained at Lakhnau in 1857, must have been 
used with a large bow. The names of the parts of an 
arrow were for the shaft ^ P. kilk, lit. reed, Hindi, sari 
(Shakes. 1285, also the name of a kind of reed); for the 
head, P. paikan, H. bhal; for the feathers, P. par. The 
feathers were frequently black and white mixed {ablaq). 
Ordinarily the head was of steel, but the Bhils used arrow- 
heads of bone. 

Takah, Tukkah. — This was the name of an arrow 
without a head. One was said to have been fired in anger 
by A'zam Shah at his principal general, Zu'lfiqar Khan, at 
Jajau "on the 18^^ June 1707, - Yaliya~Khan, fol 113^. 
Steingass, 819, explains the word as "an arrow without a 
point, but with a knot at the end." 

In the 1 8^b century the kinds of arrows in use among the 

1 In Budaoni (Printed Text, i, 418, 1. 3) there is an expression, katlhah- 
i-bash, which Blochmann marlied as doubtful in his copy (now in my 
possession), without suggesting any alternative; Ranking, 537, substitutes 
katah-i-bas, and translates "bamboo shaft." I cannot find katah in the 
dictionaries, Persian or Urdu, unless it be a form of cjTS" kath^ "wooden." 
If so, "wooden-bambu" seems an odd combination. 

7 



98 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGflULS. 

Pathans of Farrukhabad (Journal A. S. B., XLVIl, 832) were 
1) Lais, Shakes., 1809, twig, practising arrow, 2j qalandara, 

3) kohar-tarash, ^) ghera, broad-headed, 5) nahtali, or perhaps 
na-katta, headless arrow, lit. non-cutting; compare Egerton, 
137, note preceding W. 710, as to the blunt, heavy arrow 
used in Sind, 6) thuth, or perhaps better, thonth. Shakes. 
743, H. for beak, bill, 7) ankrl-ddr, with a bent head, 
shaped like a saddle-maker's needle {ankrl, a hook), i. e. 
barbed. In his time (1780—1807) Captain Williamson, 87, 
found some very broad arrow heads in use in the west of 
Bengal, towards Bahar. There was one of crescent shape 
more than four inches across at the barbs. Though they 
did not penetrate easily, yet when they happened to graze 
a limb, they cut desperately. When discharged among bodies 
of troops they were found to do amazing mischief. The 
following names of arrows are found in DastUr-ul-Insha, 
228, 1) g her ah, broad-headed, 2) do muhclnah, two pointed 
or barbed, 3) tarah-i-mah, fullmoon or circular head, 

4) tarahri-halal, crescent shaped head, 5) tarali-i-badam , 
almond-shaped head, 6) tarah-i-toko? , 7) sih-bhalah, three- 
spear headed, i. e. trident-shaped, 8) tarah-i-khornl, 9) 
tarah-i-khar, thorn-shaped, 10) tarah-i- khaki, Shakes. 974, 
epithet of a kind of arrow, what kind he does not say. 
James Fraser, Nadir Shah, 143, note, thus describes the 
arrow used for practising at the earthen target described 
a little further on. "The arrows for this exercise have the 
iron part quite round, about four fingers long, of the size 
of the reed until near the point, where they are somewhat 
thicker, from which part they taper gradually to a sharp 
point. The length from the thickest part to the point is 
from a quarter to one inch." 

Symbolical use of arrows. — The pagan Arabs used 
arrows in a game of chance, Hughes, "Diet, of Islam," 
p. 309, under Al maisir, >^iX^. Divining by arrows was 
forbidden by Muhammad, see Sale's "Preliminary Discourse", 
section v, and the Quran, v, where the wcrd used is 



EQUIPMENT. — (c) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 99 

zalmun (singular) azlama (plural), an unfeathered, unpointed 
arrow. The mode of procedure is set out in E. W. Lane's 
Lexicon, p. 1247, under zalamun, "he cut off", section viii. 
The practice, however, survived in spite of the prohibition ; 
and in 1544 we find Humayun getting into trouble with 
Shah Tahmasp on this account. He marked twelve of his 
best arrows with his own, and eleven inferior ones with 
Tahmasp's name-Erskine, "Baber and Humayun," ii, 289. 

Shooting an arrow into the air is said by Portuguese 
writers to have been a recognized mode of declaring war 
in the Vijyanagar state and Malabar. The particular in- 
stance is of 1537 at Diu, where Bahadur of Gujarat ordered 
an arrow to be shot into the air as a declaration of war - 
White way, "Portuguese in India", 249, note 1, on the 
authority of Castanheda, ii, 16 (reprint of 1833) and Correa, 
iv, 708, "Lendas da India", 4 vols., 1858—61. I have not 
met with mention of this practice in any native author, 
and Major J. S. King informs me that he knows of none. 
Perhaps it was of Hindu origin. 

At the same place Mr. Whiteway mentions the gift of 
an arrow from the King's quiver as a security for peace. 
The King's quiver was also used as a symbol of authority 
(Whiteway, he. cit.). The instance given is from the Mirat- 
i'8ika7idan, where Humayun in 1537 released Bahadur 
Shah's minstrel, and bound his own quiver round the man's 
loins. Clothed with this authority, every prisoner that the 
minstrel claimed as his relation was released (Bayley, 
"Gujarat", 389). Another instance of this practice is to be 
found in the TanJch-us-Sind of Muhammad Ma'sum, under 
the year 924 h. (1518), where Shah Beg, Arghun, gave 
an arrow to the qafi of Tattah (Malet, p. 80). 

Quiver. The Persian name is tarkash-. but I have found 
the Arabic word jabah used once on fol. 59/5 of the Far- 
rukjmamah of Shekh Muhammad Mun'im, Ja'farabadi (4tii 
year of Farrukhsiyar). It was generally a flat case, broad at 
the mouth, one side straight and the other sloping to a 



100 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

point, provided with a strap for carrying over the shoulder. 
This broad shape is due apparently to the fact that the 
quiver was used to hold the bow as well as the arrows, 
see plate xvii in B. M. Addl. 5254 (Rieu, 780), and the 
plate in Valentyn, opposite iv, S04. There must have been, 
however, separate bow-cases, qirhan, for they are named 
as well as the tarkash, or quiver, in Kamwar Khan's entry 
of the 21st Zu,l Qa'dah 1134 h. In the India Museum 
are five specimens, Egerton, Nos 367, 369 (p. 108), 460 
(p. 115), 601, 602 (p. 130). Of these one is of an un- 
usual shape, namely, cylindrical. Common quivers were 
covered with leather, more costly ones with blue or red 
velvet, and these were often embroidered on one side in 
gold or silver. These covers sometimes were applied to 
strange uses. During Humayun's exile in Persia (1544), 
Shah Tahmasp folded up his carpet, so that no one could 
share any portion. Humayun would thus have been forced to 
sit on the bare ground, when one of his followers took off 
the ornamented cover of his quiver, tore it open and spread 
it as a seat for his master, Erskine, "Baber and Humayun", 
ii, 294. The quiver is N^ 16 of the Ajn list, i, 110, and it 
appears as figure N^ 15 on plate xii. One of a slightly 
diff'erent shape from the usual pattern is given in Egerton's 
plate i (p. 24), copied from that in Langles' ''Monuments." 
Here the quiver is the same width all the way down, 
having one side straight and the other shaped in two 
crescent-like curves. 

The Leather Guard {Godhu). This is mentioned in Egerton, 
114, and it was worn on the left arm. That is, I suppose, 
if the shooter were not in armour, and thus already pro- 
vided with a mailed glove and steel arm-piece. Hansard, 
"Book of xA.rchery", 137, speaks of one as ''a quilted half 
sleeve of common velvet or fine cloth, which protects the 
arm from being bruised by the chord in its return". The 
word godhu I have not been able to trace. Two Central 
Asian arm-guards, one of bone and one of iron, are figured 



EQUIPMENT. (C) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 101 

by Weissenberg, 1. c. p. 54. They are now in the Ethno- 
graphical Museum at St. Petersburg. 

Paikan-Jcash. This word is from paikan, arrowhead, kasJi, 
root of kaslildan, to draw out. The implement was shaped 
like a pair of pliers, and as its name implies, was used 
to extract arrow heads from the body. It is N". 19 of the 
Ajn list, i, 110, and figure N^. 146 on plate xii. The 
tirhardar, W. 18, (if the reading be correct) was another 
instrument for the same purpose. 

Target. This was the sJy", literally, heap, Steingass, 334, 
todah. Shakes., 700, iudah. The latter is the present Indian 
pronunciation of the word. To secure a more perfect use 
of the bow and arrow it was usual to erect near an officer's 
tents a mound of earth, into which he or his men shot a 
certain number of arrows every day. It is referred to en 
passant by W. Egerton, 106, as a practice of the Rajputs, 
but its use was general and not by any means confined to 
them. For instance, we find this target in use by Nadir 
Shah, who shot five arrows into one every afternoon. It is 
thus described by James Eraser, History of Nadir Shah, 
143, note, '' Khak Towda is a heap of fine mould well 
sifted and beat strongly in between two stone walls. 'Tis 
five foot high, three feet thick, and from three to four feet 
broad. The front of it is very smooth and even, beat hard 
with a heavy trowel. One who is well skilled can shoot 
his arrow into to it quite to the head; whereas one that 
shoots ill (be he never so strong) can't put a third part 
in". In a general sense the word for a butt or target, or 
the object aimed at, was Jiadaf (Steingass, 1492). 

Modes of Shooting. We are told in the Bisalah-i-tlr o 
kaman that in archery there were twelve maxims to be 
obeyed. Of these three required firmness, (1) Hold the 
grip of the bow tight, (2) Keep the forefinger firm, (3) 
When the arrow is let fly, keep the advanced foot firm. 
Three things required easiness (1) the left side should be 
kept easy (2) the left foot the same, and (3) the other 



102 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

fingers. Three things required straightness (1) the body 
should be erect (2) the forehead held up (3) the elbow- 
straight. Other three things were single: (1) use one side, 
(2) use one eye, (3) keep both hands in one direction. 
An arrow could have seven faults: (I) too wide a notch, 
(2) the shaft to be Jcarm'^ , (3) the head imperfect, (4) the 
head too heavy, (5) the top end and butt of the shaft 
hollow, (6) the shaft not straight, (7) the bow^ too stiff. 
In shooting at a horseman 200 yards off, you should aim 
at his cap, if 100 paces off, at his mouth, if 50 paces, at 
his saddle. By so doing you will hit him in the chest. 
A good archer needs to practise constantly with the Lezam, 
a bow with an iron chain instead of a string. There are 
three ways of gripping the bow, Chanc/al-i-baz (literally, 
"Hawk's claw"), muharraf (diagonally, on the slant), tna- 
rabba" (square), according to the length of the shooter's 
fingers. The arrow should be held without moving, and 
the advanced foot kept flat on the ground. As you let fly 
at the mark, you ejaculate, "In the name of God". Shekh 
AUahyar Sani, Eadlqat-ul-aqalim (ms. additions in my copy), 
under Bijgram, speaks of one ^Abd-us-Samad, a perfect 
bowman, who taught the author to shoot in three ways, 
1) in the style of the master Tahiri, 2) qabzahgar^ 3) musht. 
Until that time Allahyar had shot only in the mode of 
Bahram. 

Captain Williamson, "Oriental Field Sports", 87, says 
the bow was strung by placing one end under the thigh, 
and with both hands bringing the other end into due position, 
when the string was easily slipped into the groove made for 
it. Thirty inches of string was a common length, though 
some were longer. With a new bow it required a strong 
hand to bring the arrow up to its head. 

The left hand was placed opposite the right breast, just far 
enough from the body to allow clear action : the butt of the 
arrow was pressed to the string, the fore and middle fingers 
of the right hand were then drawn steadily, until the head was 



EaUlPMENT. — (c) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 103 

near the forefinger of the left hand. The bow was always held 
perpendicularly. Native archers rarely missed an object the size 
of a tea cup at sixty or seventy yards, and Captain Williamson 
at Lucknow repeatedly saw a man lodge an arrow in a 
common walking stick at that distance. The hill people of 
Bengal were also very expert with the bow. They would 
lie on their back, steadying the bow with their feet hori- 
zontally, and at a distance of two or three hundred yards 
send the arrow through a common water pot, not more 
than a foot in diameter. They could shoot kites flying, 
and indeed rarely missed their object. 

11. Matchlock. 

This was the tufang (Steingass, 314) or handuq (id. 202) ^ 
Great credit is claimed for Akbar in the Ain, i, ] 13, for 
the improvements introduced by him in the manufacture 
of the matchlock. In spite of these, that weapon up to 
the middle of the 18^^ century was looked on with less 
favour than the bow and arrow, which still held their 
ground. The matchlock was left chiefly to the infantry, 
who occupied a much inferior position to that of the 
cavalry in the opinion of Moghul commanders. It was not 
until the middle of the 18^^ century, when the way had 
been shewn by the French and the English, that efibrts 
were made to improve the arms and discipline of the foot 
soldier. 

The barrels of Akbar's matchlocks w^ere of two lengths, 
66 inches and 41 inches. They were made of rolled strips 
of steel with the two edges welded together. Both the 
barrels, [nal, literally, pipe, tube, Steingass, 1378) and the 

1 The Madras Manual of Ad., iii, 915, has a word tupak^ a small 
cannon, a musket, which I have seen only once elsewhere, namely, in 
verse 60, line 2, of a Hindi poem on Nadir Shah by one Tilok Das (Journal 
As. S.B. (4897) Vol. LXVI, Part i, p. 10). Of course, in the above form 
the word would represent the diminutive of top^ a cannon. But may it 
not rather be the Indian pronunciation of tufak (St. 314, another form 
of tufang^ a matchlock)? 



104 THE ARMY Of THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

stocks {qu7iflaq, T. id. 970) were profusely decorated with 
the surface ornament for which India, like the rest of the 
East, is so justly celebrated. The longer of the two weapons 
could only have been used, I should say, by a man on 
foot. Part of the matchlockman's equipment was a prong 
or tripod, called shakh-i'tufang, on which the gun was 
placed when about to be fired {Mirat-ul-Istilah, fol. 178^;). 
Ashob, fol. 1825, calls them sih-pajjah, i. e. three footed 
or tripods. Seaton says, i, 207, that the prong was some- 
times attached to the weapon. According to Bernier, 217, 
the prongs were of wood. 

I find in W. Egerton, pp. 83, 110, 111, 118, 124, 132, 
133, 139, 145, about sixty specimens of the musket and 
the matchlock. The latter he calls toredar (Shakes., 702, h. 
a matchlock, from tora, a piece of rope, a gun-match). 
Thirteen of these guns are figured on plates iv (p. 51) 
and X (p. 114), and among the figures on p. 79. One 
matchlock is a miniature weapon, one a revolver with four 
chambers, one has a rifled barrel, five have flint, and four 
percussion locks, these latter obvious modern imitations of 
European models. The other forty-eight are types of the 
ordinary matchlocks. Of these the shortest is 4 feet 7 inches 
and the longest 7 feet in length. One, N^ 671, length 6 
feet 5 inches is called a wall-piece; if so, N^s 551, 584, 
585, which are longer, must be the same. Two of the 
specimens have octagonal barrels, a third has a barrel 
not only square outside but having also a square bore. 

Guns of European make [tiifang-i-farang) were much 
prized, but were only found in the possession of the 
greatest nobles. It was with one of these, as Mhd Qasim, 
Lahori, tells us, ^Ihratnamah, 352, that a slave seated 
behind his master, Haidar Quli Khan, Mir Atash, shot 
Sayyad Ghairat Khan on the 8^^ Oct. 1720, in the onset 
made upon Muhammad Shah's tents immediately after the 
assassination of the Sayyad's uncle, Husain ^Ali Khan, 
Barhah. 



EQUIPMENT. — (C) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS ; II, MISSILES. 105 

To the end of the Moghul period the fire arm in 
ordinary use was the matchlock. The flint lock was little 
known to them, and, of course, the percussion weapon 
was never seen, not having been introduced even into 
European armies until the W^ century (H. Wilkinson, 
JEngines of War, 67). The flint lock itself does not seem 
to have been generally adopted in Europe until the end 
of the 17^'i century (id. 67 ^), and it could hardly have 
become generally known in the East until a hundred years 
later. It was not until regular battalions armed and drilled 
in the European manner, were entertained by the Mah- 
rattas and the Nawab Wazir, that the flint lock could 
have got into the hands of Indian troops to any appreci- 
able extent. This seems borne out by the fact that of some 
sixty fire-arms catalogued by W. Egerton, fifty are match- 
locks, and only five fitted with the flint lock. A passage 
in M. Wilks, "Soutb India", i, 278, note, also shows that 
in 1751 the flint lock was an absolute novelty to the 
native armies of Southern India. Eitzclarence, 256, writing 
so late as 1818 confirms this opinion. He says "The flint- 
lock, an introduction of the Europeans, is far from being 
general, and I may even say is never employed by the 
natives: though the Telingas, armed and discipled after 
our manner, in the service of Scindiah and Holkar, make 
use of it. Some good flint locks, are, however, made at 
Lahor". It is true that Khair-ud-din, ^Ibratnamah, i, 105, 
writing of 1173 h. (1759), declares that when Ram Narayan, 
deputy governor of Patnah, was defeated by Shah 'Alam, 
he left on the field among other things six thousand flint 
muskets {bandUq-i-chaqmaqi). This can be only partially 
true, and even then it must be remembered that, by that 
time, the importation of arms through the ports on the 
Hugli must have become active; and what might be true 
of Bengal and Bahar in the above year, did not represent 

1 Voyle and Stevenson, Mil. Diet. (1876), 142, say it was invented about 
1635, but not employed in England till 1677. 



106 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

the condition of things in places farther from the seaboard. 
In the Dakhin the introduction of the flint-lock weapon, 
owing to intercourse with the French and English, may 
have been somewhat earlier. At any rate, it is said that 
the 12 battalions of Gardl^ or infantry drilled and armed 
in imitation of the French sepoys, and commanded by 
Ibrahim Khan, Gardi, at the battle of Panipat in Jannary 
1761, carried flint-lock muskets {Eusain S/id/d, fol. 345). 
And, if we may trust Ashob's memory, writing 58 years 
after the event, the artillery soldiers taking part in the 
riot of 1141 H. (1729) at the Jami' Masjid in Dihli, were 
armed with flint-lock (chaqmaqi) muskets. 

The matchlock barrels were covered with elaborate da- 
mascened ijcoft-gari) work, and the stocks adorned with 
embossed metal work or with various designs either in 
lacquer, or painting, or inlaying of different materials. The 
stocks were at times adorned with embossed and engraved 
mounts in gold, or the butt had an ivory or ebony cap. 
The barrel was generally attached to the stock by broad 
bands of metal or by wire of steel, brass, silver or gold. 
The broad bands were sometimes of perforated design and 
chased. The stocks were of one or other of two designs, 
1) narrow, slightly sloped, of the same width throughout, 
or 2) strongly curved and very narrow at the grip, ex- 
panding to some breadth at the butt. When not in use, 
matchlocks were kept and carried about in covers made 
of scarlet or green broad-cloth. 

Parah. Rustam ""All, BijnorT, in his "History of the 
Rohelas" (in Urdu), fol. 22^, in speaking of the fight 
between Donde Khan and Qutb-ud-din Khan, grandson of 
^Azmatullah Klian, near Kiratpur in Rohilkhand, says; 
handuq he parah charte the. Although this meaning 
is not in the dictionaries, I take parah to be here 
the hammer of the matchlock. Platts 258, and Steingass 
230, 246, among other meanings give those of ''bolt 
of a lock or door" and "iron mace", either of which 



EQUIPMENT. — (c) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; 11, MISSILES. 107 

could be easily enough extended into "hammer of a gun". 

The match. The name of this was in Persian either 
jamagi (Stcingass, 351), ox fcdUah (id. 938), in Hindi /o/y7 
(Shak. 702). According to Ashob, fol. 2616, to have the 
match ready and lighted was falltah shahsuwctr namudan. 

Powder horn et cetera. These accoutrements were called 
collectively kamr (Egerton 83, N«. 143, 133, N^ 683). The set 
consisted of a powder flask, bullet pouches, priming horn 
{singra), match-cord, flint and steel, the whole attached to 
a belt. This belt was often of velvet embroidered in gold. 
Ashob, fol. 226/5, gives shakh as the word for powder horn. 
Steingass, 720, does not include this specific signification 
in the numerous meanings he gives; but Platts, "Hindu- 
stani Dictionary", 716, has shakh-dahana, a small powder 
flask for priming. Fitzclarence, 69, speaking in 1817 of 
some irregular horse in the Company's service, half of 
whom were armed with matchlocks, says "the receptacles 
which contained their powder and ball are unwieldy, and 
as they never make use of cartridges for their pieces, they 
are a long time in loading. Some of them have at least 
twenty yards of match about their person, similar in ap- 
pearance to a large ball of pack-thread". Modern words, 
adopted from Europeans, were tozdan (pouch) and kartus 
(cartridge). They are used by Khair-ud-din, ^Ibratnamah, 
i, 422, when recounting Rene Madec's defeat in 1191 h. 
(1777) by Mulla Ralim Dad Khan. The book itself was 
written after 1203 h. (1788). 

Blank Cartridge. I find the expression khah-goli used 
for blank cartridge by Rustam ^AlT, Bijnori, "History 
of the Rohelas" (in Urdu), fol. lla-. Bataur jang-i-zargari 
khah goll se apus men chalen; "As in a goldsmith's quarrel 
(a collusive dispute), they fired blank cartridge at each 
other". 

Cailletoque. This strange word is used by Anquetil 
Duperron, Zend-Avesta, I, xliv, when speaking of Siraj- 
ud-Daulah's escort at Murshidabad (1757), and this word 



108 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

he defines in his index "fusil a meche, tres long, que 
Ton tire ordinairement en le posant sur un pie fait en 
espece de fourche". The etymology of the word baffled me 
for a long time, it being impossible, from his spelling, to 
reconstitute its original form. It is not French, as the 
variations in spelling sufficiently show. For instance, De 
la Flotte, i, 258, referring to the Coromandel coast, (where 
Anquetil also may have picked up the word), speaks of a 
very long and heavy matchlock, which he calls a kaitoke 
(evidently another phonetic rendering of "cailletoque"). 
Gentil also, 59, in describing the entry of Salabat Jang's 
troops into Aurangabad on the li^ii June 1753, mentions 
''fusils a meche, qu'on appelle kaitoJc, cou verts de drap 
rouge". Rene Madec (c. 1774) spells it kayetoc (E. Barbe, 
"Le Nabab Rene Madec", 54). For a time I thought it might 
be due to the use of qanduq, gun-stock, as a name for the 
whole weapon, though I have never found in native writers 
any such use of that word. Or it might be a vulgar error 
for banduq, the ordinary word for a gun. Mr. H. Beveridge 
suggested to me milteq, a gun, as a probable derivation 
of the word (R. B. Shaw "Sketch of the Turki Language" 
J. A. S.B., 1878, p. 184). P. de Courteille, Diet. 506, 
fancies that this word mllteq is itself a corruption of bandUq. 
In the absence of anything more satisfactory, an explanation 
of caiUetoque might he found in qidtUq, the armpit, (Shaw, 
157, P. de Courteille 435), on the ground that a musket 
is often carried under the arm! 

But long after I had given up the search, I came across 
a word for a gun or matchlock, which I am convinced 
must be the original of that used by the European writers 
quoted above. 1 found this word qaidUq in my copy of 
the AJ/mnd-namah of 'Abd-ul-latif, a rhyming chronicle of 
Ahmad Shah's reign written at Lakhnauin ] 184 h. (1770). 
The two passages are on ff. ]5a and \bb, the first in the 
rubric and the second in the text; and they read as 
follows : 



EaUIPMENT. — (c) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. 109 

Rubric. 

Dastan dar hay an Jcih roze siiwdrl-i- Wazlr dar rah 
ml-raft, o yake az ma and dar kamlngdh nishistah, qaiduq, 
OJAxij, bar u rdndah, az In ma^nl Wazlr khiyrd-i-fdsid badil 
az Slidh rasdndah, o derah-i-khud az Dihll herun burdah, 
binydn-i'fasdd rd td'mir ddd. 

Text. 

Miydn-i-rdh kase qdbu giriftah, 
Zadah qaiduq [^Axi] barue U nihuftali, 
Ba qasd-as/i garchali U daiah zad^ 
Wa-le Ezad khiydl-ash sdkhtah radd, 
Giriftand-ash kasd7i az zormandl, 
Kashdn burdand urd ham chu bandi. 

I cannot find the word in any of the dictionaries, of 
which I have consulted a good many. 

Jazdil or Jazdir. This was the wall-piece or swivel gun, 
and it is doubtful whether it should come here, under 
fire arms carried by the combatant, or under artillery. 
In some respects it partook of the character of both. 
Steingass, 362, defines jazdil as a large musket, wall-piece, 
swivel, a rifle used with a prong or rest. Egerton, 124, 
note to N°. 585 refers to jazdils in the Codrington col- 
lection which are 7 feet and 8 feet long; this would 
appear to be the usual length. Ashob, fol. 1825, describing 
the entrenchments of Muhammad Shah outside Karnal 
(1151 H., Feb. 1739), twice speaks of something he calls 
a pushtafi, which was put up {anddkhtali) by the jazdil- 
men. This is not the tripod, which is separately mentioned; 
probably it was a field shelter or slight entrenchment. 

In connection with this weapon we come to giny all, a word 
used by European writers. Shakespear, 796, says it is h. 
a swivel &ca, either a corruption oi jazd;il, or ivom janjdl, 
trouble, difficulty; and Steingass, 373, has a word janjdl, 



110 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

crowd, multitude. Yule and Burnell, 285, say that janjal 
is ''of uncertain origin". Their examples are Elphinstone 
(1818) and Shipp (1803—15). Fitzclarence (1818) also uses 
the word. Janjal is used in a Hindi poem composed in 
Bundelkhand in the first half of the 18^^ century (Journal 
A. S. B., vol. XLVII, 1878, p. 369). I think that jazrdi 
must be the origin of jinjal (gingall). Substitute, as an 
uneducated Indian would do, a "j" for the "z", and you 
have "jaja^il"; then insert a nasal, far from an infrequent 
occurrence, and at once you have "janja^il", or quickly 
pronounced, "janjal". Q. E. D. But whether gingall is 
derived from jazcdl or not, these can be little doubt that 
both words are used in respect of one and the same kind 
of weapon, as witness Sir Hope Grant's description of the 
Chinese gingall (Life, ii, 92). "This weapon is a species 
of long heavy duck-gun carrying a ball weighing about 
two pounds; its range is at least 1000 yards. It is placed 
upon a tripod, from which tolerable aim can be taken". 
Lake's remarks. Sieges, 70, note, show that a ginjal (as he 
spells it) was in his opinion the same thing as the jazair 
or jazdil. "Long matchlocks, of various calibres, used as 
wall-pieces by the natives of India, which are commonly 
fixed like swivels, and carry iron balls not exceeding a 
pound in weight. In the field, they are sometimes carried 
on the backs of camels". Fitzclarence, 245, says the ball of 
the Indian jazdil weighed two or more ounces. Jinjalls, or 
heavy matchlocks were, as writes captain Thomas Williamson, 
"Oriental Field Sports", 45, commonly appropriated to the 
defence of forts. They carried a ball from one to three 
ounces in weight; and having very substantial barrels, 
were too heavy to use without a rest. Many had an iron 
prong of about a foot in length, fixed on a pivot not far 
from the nozzle: and this placed on a wall, a bush, or 
the ground, served as a support. In the defence of mud 
forts, especially in Bundelkhand, the besieged exhibited 
extraordinary dexterity, rarely failing to hit their object either 



EQUIPMENT. — (c) OFFENSIVE WEAPONS; II, MISSILES. Ill 

in the head or near the heart, even at great distances. 
All fire arms used by Indians having small cylindrical 
chambers, and being mostly of a small bore, a wonderful 
impetus was imparted to the ball. The juzzail used by 
the xVfghans in 1842 is described by Colonel Thomas 
Seaton, "From Cadet to Colonel"; i, 207. 

Ghor-dcthan was a kind oi jaza^il, of which one thousand 
were made at Lahor for Mu'in-ul-mulk between 1161 and 
1167 H. (1748—1754), see the Tahmas namah of Miskin, 
composed in 1196 h., fol. 36^:. The allusion in the name 
seems to be to the everted or widened mouth of the barrel. 

Qidr. The Mircit-i-Ahmadl, fol. 199«, in describing the 
battle outside Alimadabad in 1143 h. (1730), between 
Abhai Singh, Rahtor, and Sarbuland Khan, speaks of the 
horsemen with qidr, yXi, and matchlocks advancing to give 
battle. I cannot find what weapon this was. The nearest 
word I have found is jXi, qidr, a cauldron, pot, kettle, 

Steingass, 957; but this does not suggest an explanation. 
According to Erskine "History", ii, 294 (note), Osmanli 
troops lay great store by a kettle, which they carry into 
the field as other troops do their colours. But at Alimadabad 
neither side were Osmanlis. 

III. Pistols. 

This weapon was the tamanchah or tamanchah (Steingass, 
819, a sharp blow, a pistol). It does not appear in the 
list in the Ajn, an omission not to be wondered at when 
we remember that the Ajn was composed in 1596 — 7, 
while the pistol does not seem to have been known even 
in Europe much before 1544 (H. Wilkinson, Engines of 
War, 58). The pistol was in use in India, to some extent 
at any rate, early in the 18*^ century. For instance, it 
was with a shot from a pistol that in October 1720 a 
young Sayyad, related to Husain 'All Khan, killed that 
nobleman's assassin (Mlid Qasim, Lahori, ^Ihratnamah). 



112 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Dowson (Ell, vii, 573) must here have read nlmchah and 
translates a "short sword", but all the copies of the text 
that I have seen read tamanchah, i. e. a pistol. Probably 
the pistol was confined to the higher ranks of the nobles. 
Its rarety is shown by these being so few examples in the 
Indian Museum. Egerton's "Handbook" has only three 
entries, and one of these refers to a pair of English pattern, 
which must be quite modern. But Ashob, fol. 61«, writing 
in 1196 H. about the shoe-sellers' riot at the great mosque 
in Dihli in the year 1141 h. (1 1^1^ March 1729), speaks 
of the soldiers taking part in it as having European pistol 
and tahanchah. 

Sherbachah. This musketoon or blunderbuss (literally 
"tiger-cub") seems to have been of a still later introduction 
than the pistol. Egerton catalogues three examples only 
N^ 410 (p. 110), Nos 761—2 (p. 144). One is twenty 
inches long. Probably the weapon came into India with 
Nadir Shah's army (1738) or that of iVhmad Shah, Abdali, 
(1748 — 1761). In the last quarter of the 18tli century there 
was a regiment of Persian horse in the Lakhnau service 
known as the Sher-bachah. Possibly they took their name 
from this weapon, with which they may have been armed. 
Or the name may have been due to their supposed ferocity 
and thirst for their enemies' blood. Dowson in Elliot, viii, 
398, note 2, quoting from the Akhbar-ul-Muhabbat, speaks 
of ten thousand dismounted men in Ahmad Shah, Abdali's 
army in 1760 "having sher-bachas (pistols) of Kabul". 



CHAPTER X. 

ARTILLERY. HEAVY GUNS. 

The general name for this branch was Top-k/iannh {top, 
cannon, Hanah, house, division). Every departn:ient con- 
nected with the artillery was included under the one 
name; it comprized, 1) a manufacturing department; 2) a 
magazine or ordnance department, in both of which the 
imperial Khansaman, or Lord Steward, had the superior 
control over the Daroghah or Mir Atash; 3) the field 
artillery in actual use; and 4) the guns in use in the 
fortresses. In these last two subdivisions the Mir Atash 
seems to have been entirely independent of the Khansaman. 

The word top, the usual name for a cannon, is stated 
in Persian dictionaries to be of Turkish origin, but ap- 
parently Babar used the word zarb-zan (literally, blow- 
striker). For this see Horn, 27, and his references, Pavet 
de Courteille, "Memoires", ii, 168, ^arabah ustidaki zcirhzan- 
Icir, "les couleuvres qui etaient sur des chariots", id. ii, 
336, zarbzan-lih ^arabah-ldr, "des couleuvres toutes montees 
sur leurs affuts", and BudaunT, ii, 194, line 6, ta- zarbzan- 
ha zambUrakha kih bcilae ^arabahhae bud, "to the cannon 
and swivel-pieces which were upon carts" ^. 1 have not 
traced when the word top first appears in Indian writings, 
but probably it came into use first in the Dakhin and 
was introduced there by the officers from Rum, that is, 
Turkey, who were employed in the artillery. The word top 

' I have found zarbzan used by so late a writer as Kam Raj (c. 1119 h.), 
see A^zam-ul-harb, fol. 1206, but then he has top and rahkalah in the 
same sentence. 



114 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

is often restricted to the large cannon or siege guns; 
sometimes we find it used for all classes of cannon, with 
the distinction into large and small, top-i-kalan and top4- 
k/mrd. 

Babar seems to have had in use pieces of considerable 
size (Horn, 26). In his memoirs (P. de C, ii, 253) he 
describes the founding of a cannon at Agrah under the 
direction of his head of the artillery, Ustad Qull Khan. 
"Around the mould they had erected eight furnaces for 
melting the metal. From the foot of each started a channel 
which ended in the mould. As soon as I had arrived, the 
holes to allow the flow of metal were opened. The fused 
metal rushed into the mould like boiling water. After a 
time, before the mould was full, the fused metal from the 
furnaces began to flow very slowly, either because their size 
or the amount of material had been wrongly calculated, 
Ustad Qull Khan, in a state that cannot be described; 
wished to fling himself into the very midst of the melted 
copper. I made much of hira, ordered him a robe of honour, 
and thus succeeded in calming him. A day or two after- 
wards, when the mould had cooled down, it was opened. 
Ustad Qull Khan, overwhelmed with joy, sent me word 
that the bore {dme) of the piece had no fault and that a 
chamber could easily be made in it. The body of the 
cannon was then uncovered and a certain number of arti- 
ficers were set to finish it, while he busied himself with 
the preparation of the chamber". From ii, 269, it seems 
that this chamber was cast separately, and the gun was 
then tried, and fired a ball for a distance of sixteen hundred 
paces. On another occasion, ii, 324, a large cannon was 
fired, the ball went far, but the piece burst and eight men 
were killed'. At a much later period the art of founding 
could not have greatly advanced, for w€ find that De la 

^ The passage in ii, 336, does not necessarily refer to large guns, and 
Mustafa, the other artillery officer, is spoken of as using small field 
pieces (culverines). 



ARTILLERY. — HEAVY GUINS. 115 

Flotte, i, 258, speaking of the 18^1' century and the Dakhin, 
asserts that Indian cannon were not founded, but built up 
of iron bars bound together, and hekl in pkce from distance 
to distance by thick rings of the same metal. Again An- 
quetil Duperron, "Zend Avesta", I, xlvi, speaking of the force 
commanded in 1757 by Rajah Dulab Ram, one of Nawab 
Siraj-ud-daulah's officers, says "I'artillerie consista en gros 
''canons faits de bandes de fer battu". Writing much later, 
in 1818, Fitzclarence, 255, says "The artillery in use among 
the natives is generally an iron cylinder with molten brass 
cast round it". Elsewhere, 251, he remarks that in their 
first attempts to make cannon the Indians employed bars 
of iron hooped together. In one instance he saw an im- 
provement on this. It was at DihlT that he found a piece 
made of iron wedges placed as radii, and then hooped 
together so as to form the gun. 

Horn, 28, quoting from Mirza Haidar (Elliot v, 131, 132) 
says that at the battle of Kanauj in 1540 Humaytin had 700 
pieces (zarhzan) drawn each by four pairs of bullocks (these 
guns fired balls of 41b., 304 gr. each), [n addition to these were 
twenty-one heavy guns requiring each eight pairs of oxen, and 
firing leaden balls ten times as heavy as the others. Erskine, 
"History", ii, 186, using the same passage from Mirza Haidar, 
reads "sixty-one (ti^-n^ o^^^^) heavy guns, each drawn by 
sixty (o>^^^) pairs of bullocks". Ross, "Tarikh-i-Rashidi", 474, 
has "twenty one (d^^ >^'^:^j) carriages each drawn by eight 
(.^xi.^) pairs of bullocks". Looking to the state of things 
then existing, I think the number of twenty one is pre- 
ferable to Erskine's sixty-one heavy guns ; but on the other 
hand the larger number of bullocks {sixty and not eight 
pairs) is the more probably correct; the ball thrown being 
ten times as heavy as that of the smaller pieces, the gun 
itself must have weighed more, in something like the same 
proportion, and would have required more than twice as 
many bullocks to drag it. 

Dr. Horn, 29, holds that under Akbar the artillery 



116 THE AMRY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

reached the highest point of efficiency which it ever at- 
tained during the existence of the Moghul empire. But 
judging from the brief account of cannon in the Aln-i- 
Jkbari, one would surmise that this arm was little, if at 
all, developed. A great deal is said about matchlocks, but 
comparatively little about other bouches a feu. It would 
be, I think, a safer opinion to hold that the artillery was 
much more perfect and numerous in 'Alamglr's reign, than 
it was under his great-grandfather, Akbar. The long cam- 
paign in the Dakhin and the innumerable sieges, some of 
considerable importance, such as those of Bijapur and Jinji, 
must have brought the uses of artillery into much greater 
prominence. And during the 18^^ century something, if not 
much, was learned from the example of the French and 
English armies, and from the European adventurers, who 
found their way in considerable numbers into the armies of 
the native powers. As an instance of the hazardous conclusions 
that are occasionally arrived at, 1 may quote the suggestion 
of Mr. D. Mac Ritchie, "Gypsies of India", p. 207, that 
the gipsies (whom he identifies with the Jats) brought the 
use of artillery into Europe. The history of the arm in 
India seems to prove on the contrary, that it was intro- 
duced there from Europe. 

European observers in the IS^h century do not, as a rule, 
speak favourably of the Moghul artillery. For instance, 
with reference to the Nawab of the Karnatak's army in 
1746, Orme, "Mil. Trans." i, 74, says "Having never ex- 
perienced the effect of field pieces, they had no conception 
that it was possible to fire with execution the same piece 
of cannon five or six times in a minute; for in the awk- 
ward management of their own clumsy artillery, they 
think they do well if they fire once in a quarter of an 
hour". Even seventy years later, in 1815, the Nizam's 
artillery were still content to fire once every fifteen minutes ; 
and on one occasion they were indebted for final success 
to the freak of some European soldiers, who came at night 



ARTILLERY. HEAVY GUNS. 117 

from their own camp, and fired the guns so fast as to 
frighten the besieged into evacuating the place before the 
morning (Lake, 15, note). Cambridge, who wrote about 
1760, "War", Introduction, ix, is more general in his con- 
demnation. "Nothing is so ruinous to their military affairs 
as the false notion which is generally entertained by them, 
and chiefly by their commanders, in relation to artillery. 
They are terrified with that of the enemy, and foolishly 
put a confidence in their own ; and what is the most fatal 
mistake, they place their chief dependence on the largest 
pieces, which they know neither how to manage or to more. 
They give them pompous and sounding names, as the 
Italians do their guns, and have some pieces which carry 
a ball of seventy pounds. When we march round them 
with our light field pieces, and make it necessary to move 
those enormous weights, their bullocks, which are at best 
very untractable, are quite ungovernable, and at the same 
time are so ill-harnessed, that it causes no small delay to 
free the rest from any one that shall happen to be unruly 
or slain". Again, take what Mustapha says, Seir, i, 443, 
note 19, "Expressions about a well-served artillery are 
misleading, for it is certain that all their artillery was as 
cumbrous, ill-mounted and ill-served as was the artillery 
of Europe three hundred years ago. It is only since the 
year 1760 that some Indians have put themselves upon the 
footing of having an artillery mounted and served nearly 
in the European manner". And writing at Agrah in 1768 
or 1769, an anonymous observer (Orme Mss. p. 4341) 
remarks on the Jats taking two 24-pounders a mile or two 
in ten days, and scornfully adds "Telle est I'adresse de la 
plupart des Indiens dans le metier de la guerre apres qu'ils 
ont regu tant de legons des Europeens, dont ils auraient 
du profiter. Mais on a beau leur apprendre!" 

The following account of Mahratta ways in 1791 may 
be taken as applicable to the Moghul artillery of the same 
period. "A gun is loaded, and the whole people in the 



118 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

battery sit down, talk and smoke for half an hour, when 
it is fired, and if it knocks up a great dust, it is thought 
sufficient: it is re-loaded and the parties resume their 
smoking and conversation. During two hours in the middle 
of the day, generally from one to three, a gun is seldom 
fired on either side, that time being, as it would appear, 
by mutual consent set apart for meals. In the night the fire 
from guns is slackened but musquetry is increased on both 
sides" (E. Moor, ^'Narrative", 30). Colonel Hector Munro, 
the victor of Baksar, speaking of the period 1763 — 1772, 
held that the Indian princes got their artillery from Eng- 
land, Holland and France. "There is hardly a ship that 
comes to India that does not sell them cannon and small 
arms; the most of the gunpowder they make themselves. 
They cast shot in abundance, but there is no black prince 
that casts cannon but the king of Travelcore (Travancore). 
The cannon and military stores are smuggled into the 
country" (Carraccioli, "Life of Clive" iii, 276, and "Minutes 
of Select Committee, H. C", sitting of 14th May 1772. 

Heavy Guns. 

The Moghuls were very fond of large ordnance, but 
such pieces were really more for show than use; and as 
Fitzclarence truly says, 243, the oriental idea seems to 
have been "to render this destructive engine from its size 
more powerful than those of the Western world". In this 
direction they proceeded even to extravagant lengths. These 
huge guns made more noise than they did harm; they 
could not be fired many times in a day, and were very 
liable to burst and destroy the men in charge. 

Names. The large guns were all dignified with pompons 
names, just as elephants were, such names as Ghazl Khan 
"Lord Champion", Sher Dahan "Tiger-mouth", Bhumdham 
"The Noisy", (Shiu Das, 29«) Kishwar kusha "World- 
opener", Garh'bhanjan "Fort Demolisher", Fath-i- Laslikar 
"Army Conqueror", (Elliot, vii, 100) Aarangbar "Strength 



ARTILLERY. — HEAVY GUNS. 119 

of the Throne", Burj Sliikan "Bastion Breaker", (Catrou, 
256) Jahan kusha "World Conqueror" (Horn, 37) and so 
forth. At the battle of Husainpur in 1133 h. (Nov. 1720) 
there were present Sher dahan (Tiger mouth), Ghazi Khan 
(Lord Champion), "Alam-sitan (World-seizer), Atash-dahan 
(Fire mouth), KhushlialChand, Berlin Ms. N". 495, fol. 10 15^. 
In addition to a name they were also usually provided 
with an inscription, sometimes in verse, stating the name 
of the founder, the place and the year of manufacture. 

From Bernier, 217, 218, 352, we learn that early in 
^Alamgir's reign there were in the field with the emperor 
seventy pieces of heavy artillery, mostly of brass. These 
and the camel guns did not always follow the emperor, 
when he diverged from the high road to hunt, or to keep 
near a river or other water. Heavy guns could not move 
along difficult passes or cross the bridges of boats thrown 
over rivers. Many of these seventy pieces were so pon- 
derous that twenty yoke of oxen were necessary to draw 
them along : and when the road was steep or rugged, they 
required the aid of elephants, in addition to the oxen, to 
push the carriage wheels with their heads aud trunks. 

These heavy pieces had frequently to be left behind, 
from the impossibility of their keeping up with the army. 
Thus A'zam Shah, when he marched in 1707 from Ahmad- 
nagar to Dholpur, left all his heavy guns behind at various 
stages of his march, and had none left when he reached 
the battle field at Jajau (Kamraj, A^zam-ul-harh, fol. 19). 
Then in Safar 1125 h. (March 1712), during the contest 
for the throne between the sons of Bahadur Shah, three 
of the very largest guns were removed from the fort of 
Lahor, each being dragged by 250 oxen, aided by five or 
six elephants, and it was ten days before the camp was 
reached, although it was not more than three or four miles 
distant (B.M. N". 1690, fol. \hlb). 

In 1128 H. (1715-6) when Rajah Jai Singh was be- 
sieging Churaman Jat in his fort of Thun, one of these 



120 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

cannon was sent from DihlT. It was escorted with ceremony 
from Palwal to Hodal and there made over to the deputy- 
governor of Agrah for conveyance to its destination. The 
shot is threw was, we are told, one maiind (Shahjahani) 
in weight (Shiu Das, fol. I3a). Again, at the siege of Agrah 
in 1131 H. (July, August 1719), several of these large 
cannon were employed. They had there Ghazi Khan, Sher 
Dahan, Dhiimdham, and others. These guns took shot of 
from 60 to 100 lbs, (30 sers to 15 man Shahjahani). Attached 
to each gun were from one to four elephants and from 
600 to 1700 draught oxen (Shiu Das, fol. 29«). Muhammad 
Muhsin also speaks of Muhammad Shah having at Karnal 
in 1151 H. (Feb. 1739), guns which required five hundred 
to one thousand bullocks, aided by five to ten elephants 
(Horn, 34, quoting Elliot, viii, 74). 

When the Jat rajah of Bhartpur besieged his relation 
in Wer, about 30 to 40 miles south of Bhartpur, his 
biggest cannon, a 48 pounder, was sent from his capital. 
It was a piece that Stiraj Mall had taken from the Mah- 
rattas, and they had carried away from DihlT. Although 
dragged by 500 pair of oxen, with four elephants to push 
behind, it occupied them a month to convey the gun 
about half way, some eighteen or nineteen miles altogether, 
and there it stuck. It should be noted, however, that this 
was in the rainy season, which added immensely to the 
difficulty. The writer from whom I obtain these facts adds 
"This may look strange, but you do not know the weight 
of these guns or the kind of gun-carriage used. At the 
very time I write this (c. 1767), it is ten days since they 
brought out two 24-pounders from the fortress of Agrah, 
each drawn by fifty pair of bullocks and helped by an 
elephant. Yet at this moment they are not outside the town 
of Agrah, though they are moving each day from dawn 
to night-fall (Orme Mss. p. 4341). In 1826 there were 
still large guns at Wer. Colonel Seaton in his "From Cadet 
to Colonel", i, 177, says "we found some enormous iron 



ARTILLKIIY. — IIP:AVY GUNS. 121 

guns built up something in the style of our present xVrm- 
strongs, with this difference that over the inner core of 
longitudinal bars forming the bore, iron hoops and not 
coils, were shrunk on ; over which came a layer of longi- 
tudinal bars, and outside these another layer of hoops 
shrunk on. The diameter of these guns at the muzzle was 
enormous, something like three feet, but the bore was small. 
I should suppose they were about 4()-pounders. I don't 
think any amount of powder would have burst them". 

A /ode of Mounting Recwy Guns. From the slow progress 
that was made in the transporting of these heavy guns, it 
may be inferred that the carriages on which they w^ere 
mounted, were of a very clumsy and primitive construction. 
One is almost inclined to believe that they must have been 
dragged unmounted along the ground, by mere brute force. 
Otherwise the length of time occupied in going a mile 
seems hardly credible. 

Most probably throughout the IS^^i century these guns 
were mounted on low platforms, and were made to turn 
on a pivot, such carriages as in 1803 Thorn, "War", 190, 
called "country block carriages, turning on a large pivot". 
Fitzclarence, 21G, says the generality of the artillery in the 
forts was so badly mounted that they would be dismounted 
at the first discharge. 

The clearest account of the way in which they mounted 
their heavy artillery in the field is to be found in Orme, 
"Mil. Trans.", ii, 173, w^hen describing Siraj-ud-daulah's 
guns at the battle of Palasi (Plassey) in 1757: "The cannon 
were mostly of the largest calibres, 24 and 32 pounders; 
and these were mounted on the middle of a large stage, 
raised six feet from the ground, carrying besides the cannon, 
all the ammunition belonging to it, and the gunners them- 
selves who managed the cannon, on the stage itself. These 
machines were drawn by 40 or 50 yoke of white oxen, 
of the largest size, bred in the country of Purnea; and 
behind each cannon walked an elephant, trained to assist 



122 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

at difficult tugs, by shoving with his forehead against the 
hinder part of the carriage". Sir Eyre Coote, "Minutes of 
Select Committee H. C", SO^li April 1772, says that the 
Nawab's cannon were "mounted on bundles of bamboos 
tied together and each piece drawn by 20 or 30 pairs of 
oxen". On the other hand, Major Munro, "Minutes", 14th May 
1772, deposed that the 133 pieces of different sizes taken 
from Shuja'-ud-daulah at Baksar (23^^ Oct. 1764) were 
all on carriages and most of them on English carriages. 

The Mahratta artillery in the Dakhin, so late as 1791, 
was still mounted on the old plan, copied from that of 
the Moghuls. "His (Paras Ram Bhao's) largest guns were 
brass 32 and 42 pounders cast at Poona, in length far 
exceeding ours: the wheels of the carriage as well as the 
carriages themselves, were exceedingly clumsy, particularly 
the limber wheels, which are generally of one piece, very 
low, and in a heavy road do not perhaps turn once in 
the distance of a hundred yards. The gun is so heaped 
with baggage of every description that it could not be 
cleared ready to fire under at least half an hour; nor 
could any one from its appearance iu its travelling state, 
were it not for the number of bullocks dragging it, con- 
ceive it to be a gun : fifty, sixty and sometimes one hun- 
dred couple of bullocks drag one of these guns; and in 
very heavy roads, where the cattle have been hard worked 
and ill-fed, an elephant is posted to the rear who pushes 
with his head over difficult passages. Although the impro- 
vement of having four bullocks abreast was lately adopted 
by the Mahrattas, there surely can be no utility in having 
such a string of cattle as they sometimes tack to one of 
these strange pieces of ordnance" (E. Moor, "Narrative, 78)". 
In the Dakhin we found it necessary to employ sixty 
Carnatic bullocks in yoke to an iron 24 pounder, fifty to 
an iron 18 pounder, and forty to an iron 12 pounder 
(Blacker, "War", 283). 

One observer, De la Flotte, who was in the south of 



ARTILLERY. — HEAVY GUNS. 123 

India from April 1758 to May 17G0, declares that Indian 
cannon, when used in fortresses, were not mounted on 
carriages: "they are put on the very embrasure, or they 
are supported by two great movable timbers {poutres). The 
balls are of stone, they make many ricochets and then 
roll a great distance". M. de la Elotte saw at Jinji, the 
well-known fortress 82 miles s.w. of Madras, one of these 
pieces, which was twenty feet in length. At Arkat (Arcot) 
in 1746 Clive seems to have fired a big native gun from 
a mound of earth, without having any carriage (Orme, i, 
191, referred to by Horn, 34). Colonel M. Wilks also 
speaks of an occasion in 1768 when the guns of the Indians 
were numerous "but unmounted". In Northern India, 
however, some sort of carriage seems to have been used 
even for heavy guns, when they were employed in the 
defence of a fortress. 

Descriptions of individual guns. Dr. Horn, 36, quoting 
Captain Showers (J.A.S.B., XVI, 589) gives as the exact 
dimensions of one of Shahjahan's cannon, then (1847) to 
be found at Murshidabad, 

Extreme Length . . . . 17 feet. 

Deph of Bore .... 15 „ 

Diameter at Muzzle . . 1 „ 

Diameter of Bore ... 6 inches. 

This cannon, Jahan Kusha, the world conqueror, bore a 
poetical inscription of eight distiches, to which were added 
the facts that it was made at Dhakah in Jamadi ii of the 
eleventh year of Shahjahan (Oct. Nov. 1637), and that it 
took a charge of 28 sirs of powder. It had been made by 
the method of welding. 

When Dara Shukoh was sent against Qandahar in Shah- 
jahan's reign, he cast two great guns at Lahor, which 
threw a ball of I man 5 sirs (about 90 lbs. English). Their 
names were Fath Mubarik (Blessed Victory) and Kishwar 
Kushae (World Overcomer). He had with him two other 



124 THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

heavy guns, the Qildh-kushae (Fort Overcomer) from Dihli 
and Maryam (Mary?) from Shal (Raverty, "Notes on Af- 
ghanistan", 22, relying on the Lataif-ul-Aklihar of Rashid 
Khan). " ~ 

One of these large guns was to be found at Alimadnagar 
in the Dakhin. Fitzclarence, 243, says it was about 25 feet 
long, and it was said to have carried shot into Sir Arthur 
Wellesley's camp in 1803 "though it was pitched out of 
range of all reasonable weapons". It was, perhaps, the same 
as the malik-i-maidan, (King of the Battle-field), described 
by Horn, 132, quoting Meadows Taylor and J. Fergusson's 
"Architecture of Beejeepore", which is declared by those 
writers to be the largest piece of ordnance in the world. 
The metal is an alloy of 80.427 parts of copper to 19.573 
parts of tin. The dimensions are 

Diameter at the Breech . . 4 feet, 10 inches. 

Diameter at the Muzzle . . 5 ,, 5 „ 

Diameter of Bore .... 2 „ 41 „ 

Length 14 „ 3 „ 

In the "Life and Correspondence of the Right Honble Sir 
Bartle Frere", i, 56, these is a drawing by him of two 
large guns that he saw at Bijapur in 1848. One was on 
the Upari-burj (upper bastion?); the other he calls Muluh 
Juft. Neither of them was mounted on a carriage. 

The gun Malik-i-maidan was cast at Alimadnagar in 
1548, during the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah i, by a 
Turk named Muhammad, son of Hasan. It was first des- 
cribed by E. Moor, "Narrative", 322, who believed it to 
have been cast by 'Alamgir in 1097 h. (1685), but the 
copy of the inscription as given by him, does not bear 
this out, for it commemorates the capture of Bijapur in 
that year, and not the casting of the gun. Moor was told 
that there were twelve large guns; of these he saw three, 
two being not cast, like the Malik-i-maidan, but made of 
welded bars hooped round. One of them was called Lam- 



ARTILLRRY. — HEAVY GUNS. 



125 



chharri, which Moor translates "the fiir-liyer" (perhaps from 
lamchhar (Shak. 1795), a long musket, lamchhara, adj. tall). 

There were also two guns twenty five feet long at Nagpur 
(Fitzclarence, 108, 244), called by the English Gog and 
Magog, which were "finer pieces and better proportioned 
than the one at Aliraadnagar". Fitzclarence also saw, 216, 
a heavy brass gun mounted on a sort of tower at Daulat- 
abad, and though he did not measure it, he supposed it 
equal to throwing a ball of sixty pounds. There was also 
a 24-pounder (id. 218) on a peak at the top, said to have 
been raised to that position by a European in ^Alamgir's 
reign. At DihlT, opposite the Lahor gate, he also saw in 
1817 a gun of a very large bore. 

Fitzclarence also describes the "great gun of Agra" as 
Major Thorn calls it, "War", 188. "At Agra I have seen a 
gun more like an immense howitzer, above 14 feet long, 
221 inches in the bore, into which persons can get: the 
following is a table of its dimensions". 



TABLE OF DIMENSIONS. 







Diameter of the 


Length of the 


Weight 


















-i 




Weight 


Nature. 


Weight. 


















OF the 


OP THE 












. 


^ 






SHOT OF 


SHOT OF 






6 




<6 


o 
'3 


S 




•S-S 




IRON. 


MARBLE. 






,£2 


,a 


S) 

=5 


O) 


1 

^ 


1^ 


o 

0) 










^ 


CJ 


B 


cq 


^ 


o 


Pm 






1500 lbs. 


cwt. grs. lbs. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


In. 


lbs. 


lbs. 


Brass 


1049 1 4 


22.5 


10.8 


46.5 


11.3 


48.6 


51 


159 


1C9.5 


1497.39 


567 



Weight in maunds, 1469. 

Value of the gun, as old brass, in sonaut {sanwat) rupees 

53,400; but if serviceable it may be estimated at one 

lac and sixty thousand. 
"This gun was once supposed to contain much gohl ; and 



126 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

even as old brass it is valued at £ 7000 ; but if serviceable, 
it may be estimated at about £ 18,000. It at present (1818) 
lies near the bank of the Jumnah, outside the wall of the 
fort. An attempt was made to transport it down to Cal- 
cutta'*. Both Fitzclarence and Thorn give drawings of the 
gun. Thorn, 189, says "General Lake had a great desire 
to remove this trophy from Agra to Calcutta, with a view 
to transporting it ultimately to England; but though a 
raft was prepared for its conveyance upon the Jamnah, 
the stupendous body of metal proved too heavy for the 
framework, and the whole sank in the bed of the river, 
where the gun lay buried in the sand when 1 (Major Thorn) 
last saw it". 

At Agrah in 1803 Lord Lake also obtained a fine 72- 
pouuder of the same composition as the ''great gun", 
together with 76 brass guns and 86 iron ones of different 
kinds, such as mortars, howitzers, carronades, and gallopers, 
with thirty-three tumbrils. The brass gnns were in general 
of the same manufacture and construction as those taken 
at Dihli; and in the camp and town (Agrah) several of 
the iron ones were of that description called bar guns, 
and the whole were mounted either on travelling carriages 
with elevating screws, or on country block carriages turning 
on a large pivot (Thorn, 190). 

There are some large guns of the Moghul period at 
Labor. There is the Zamzamah (The Thunderer), one of 
two cast by a man named Shah NazTr, by order of Shah 
Wall Khan, prime minister of Alimad Shah, Abdali, 
(1747 — 1773). It is of brass and was used, so Muhammad 
Latif says, at the battle of Panipat in 1761, though this 
is inconsistent with the tariM it bears (1179 h. or 1765/6). 
The fellow gun was lost in the Chinab river ; and this one 
was removed by the Sikh leader, Har Singh, BhangT, from 
the village of Khwajah Sa^id, two miles from Labor, where 
the Abdali had his arsenal. It bears . an inscription of 
twenty-two lines, of which the last two are : 



ARTILLERY. — HEAVY (lUMS. 127 

Ba^d taslwi ha gufta: ''Top 

Paikar-i-azhdahae, citash'haz\ (1179 z. ^. 1765/6). 

''After obeisance he exclaimed 'The dragon shaped, fire- 
vomiting, cannon'." Its length is 14 feet 45 inches and 
the diameter of the bore is 91 inches. These is also at 
Lahor another large gun made in 1182 h. (1768 — 9) by 
Shuja'at Khan, Safdar Jang, a governor of Multan; it 
bears the name of Kohshikan (The Mountain Destroyer) 
and weighs 110 maunds (Syad Muhammad Latif, "Lahor", 
p. 386). 

Moor, "Narrative", 420, refers to descriptions of large guns 
by Dow, "History of Hindostan", ii, 278 (a reference which 
I cannot trace in my edition) and by Rennell, "Memoir", 61. 
The two referred to by Dow were at Arcot and Dacca. 
Rennell measured the second of these, but before the end 
of the 18<^li century, it and the bank on which it rested 
had fallen into the river. The weight of an iron shot for 
it was 465 pounds, and Moor calculates the weight of one 
for Malik'i'inaidan to be 2646to pounds. 

Sixty eight guns were taken by Lord Lake outside Dihli 
on the 16th Sept. 1803 (Thorn, 117). They were of dif- 
ferent sorts, the whole mounted on field carriages with 
limbers and traces complete. The iron guns were of Euro- 
pean manufacture: but the brass guns, mortars, and 
howitzers had been cast in India, with the exception of 
one Portuguese three-pounder. Some were made at Math- 
ura and others at Ujjain, but evidently from the design 
and execution of a European artist. The dimensions in 
general were those of the French, and the workmanship 
highly finished. The guns had belonged to the disciplined 
troops of Sendhiah, and the above description abundantly 
shows that they were not strictly Moghul weapons at all, 
but an equipment prepared under the supervision of Euro- 
peans in the native service. 

A somewhat later account (1809) of Sendhiah's artillery 
is found in Broughton, 109. Sendhiah then had 66 guns. 



128 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHUJ.S. 

twenty-seven in his own park, ten of large calibre, the rest 
of various sizes and descriptions. Thirty one guns were 
attached to his regular brigade ; these were all of different 
sizes, but few were so large as an English six-pounder. 
Besides these he had eight curricle guns, each drawn by 
a pair of bullocks: they were very small and were called 
the ''orderly" guns from their following in the Maharajah's 
retinue. 

Wooden Guns. Under the stress of necessity these strange 
substitutes for ordinary cannon were used by the Sikhs 
on two occasions. For instance, we learn that when the 
Sikhs in Dec. 1710 evacuated their fort of Lohgarh in the 
outer hills, they blew up a cannon ''which they had made 
out of the trunk of a tamarind tree" (Kamwar Khan, 
entry of 19^^ Shawwal 1122 h.). Another writer, Ghulam 
Muhi-ud-din Khan, fol. 37/^), tells us that when they were 
besieged in Gurdaspur in 1715, the Sikhs, though they 
had the light artillery that they had taken from Wazir 
Khan, faujdar of Sihrind, Bayazid Khan, and Shams Khan, 
were unprovided with heavier pieces. These they replaced 
by hollowed-out trunks of trees, strengthened by heavy 
iron bands placed close together. From these they threw 
balls of stone and iron. The Mahomedans estimated these 
make-shift cannon to he about half as effective as the 
usual kind. A. Demmin "Die Kriegswaffen", 108, speaks of 
wooden mortars used in Europe in the Middle Ages; they 
were formed of hollowed tree trunks bound with iron straps 
and furnished with a metal touchhole. And so late as 
1525 the rebellions peasants who besieged their Arclibishop 
in Strasburg were in possession of wooden cannon. They 
also had leather cannon, such as at a later time were used 
by the Swedes! Demmin, p. 929, N'l 24^2^, has a figure 
of a wooden cannon froai Cochin China, said to be manu- 
factured there up to the present time. It appears to be a 
tree trunk strengthened by thirteen strong bands in its 
whole length. 



ARTILLERY. — HEAVY GUNS. 129 

Ghaharah. According to Steingass, 880, this is a bomb, 
a mortar for throwing shells. I have only once come across 
it; Rustaui 'All, Bijnorl, uses it on fol. 30^/ of his "History 
of the Rohelas" (written about 1780): Toj), rahkalah, gha- 
bare, dhamakah, (jnj?icd, shutarnal, jazalr, sherbache, qain- 
chi banon ke, lekar. 

Beg {Mortars). We find in the official manuals a class 
of men among the Ahsham, styled Deg-andaz, literally "pot- 
throwers". In present usage deg denotes a mortar, and it 
may have meant the same at the end of the 17^^ and 
beginning of the 18^^^ century, when the manuals referred 
to were drawn up. But it seems to me more probable 
that these men carried some sort of fire-pot or hand- 
grenade, which they threw when two armies were coming 
to close quarters. 

Ttr. This word, literally "arrow", after acquiring the 
extended meaning of bullet, musket, or cannon ball (Stein- 
gass 340), was then converted into a word denoting the 
calibre of a gun. For instance, in the letters of Chhabilah 
Ram, Nagar, ^Ajdib-ul-afaq, fol. 345, we have, Hamrah- 
i-jidwiyat'irtisam sih top-i-kamtir, "with this loyal servant 
are three guns of small calibre" ; and again a little farther, 
upon the same folio, Wa yak zarb-i-top-i-kalan-tlr , "and one 
cannon of large calibre". With its meaning of "cannon ball" 
we find t'lr in the expression ilrah-hand for "loaded", 
used by Rustam "All, BijnorT, in his "History of the 
Rohelahs", fol. 435. 

Miscellaneous. We come now to various instruments, 
mostly of obscure application and use, which are mentioned 
here and there by the historians. These are Badal'ijah, 
Manjaniq, Sang-ra'd, Sarkob , Top-i-hawae, Muqabil-kob, 
Chcidar, Ruqqah-i-atash. Most of these are named by Horn, 
28, 29, 35. 

Badakjah. Steingass, 140, defines it as a sort of cannon. 
Mhd Kazim uses the form Badalij i^Alamgir namah 98, 
line 3, ba zarb-i-badalij az pae dar amad). Once Ghulam 



130 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

^Ali Khan, Muqaddamah-i-Shah ^Alam-namah^ fol. 795) uses 
this word hadaUj when speaking of the war materiel to 
be found in Lahor fort in 1165 h. (1752). I have not 
seen the word elsewhere, nor can I tell what kind of thing 
it was. 

Manjamq. This seems to have been in the nature of a 
catapult. vSteingass 1324, defines it, a warlike engine, cata- 
pulta, balista, sling a pulley, machine for raising great 
weights, a crane. Horn, 35, quotes from Elliot, vi, 139, a 
reference to the use of a man^anlq at the siege of Asirgarh. 
It is also used in the Tankh-i-Alfi (Horn 29, Elliot, v, 170). 
This word was applied to the scaffold raised by some 
French explorers when examining the upper part of the 
Naqsh-i-Rustam tombs in Persia, (E. G. Browne, "A year 
in Persia", 250). 

Sangrdd. Steingass, 702, calls this a stone ball for a 
cross-bow, a stone roller for smoothing flat roofs. Is it not 
more probably another name for a catapult throwing large 
stones ? 

Sarkob. Horn, 132, referring ioilie Akbarnctm ah /m,^)^^^ 
line 11, speaks of it as a wall breaker or battering ram. 
Steingass, 676, has, "a machine erected to overtop a wall, 
a battery, a battering machine, vany eminence which com- 
manded a fortress or houses, a citadel". Several of these 
definitions seem to make it the same thing as siba, which 
we shall speak of a little further on. The word sarkob for 
a battering ram is used by Jauhar, Aftabchi, fol. 165, when 
describing the siege of Chunar in 942 h. (1535). Nizam- 
ud-din, Tabaqat-i'Akbar 8hahl, fol. 1515, in his account of 
the same events calls the ram a muqdbil-kob. 

Top-i-haivde. Horn, 28, calls attention to a passage in 
Khafi Khan, ii, 226, where this expression is used. He is 
writing of Sldl Ya^qut in the Dakhin during ^Alamgir's 
reign (year 1079 h. — 1668-9), and he says o tophde hawae 
ba-hani rasdndah^ bar darakht-hde bastah, loaqt-i-sliab taraf-i- 
Dandd Bdjpurl at ash niiddd. "Having provided some top- 



ARTILl.ERY. — HEAVY GUNS. Kjl 

i'hawae (air guns?) and having fixed them on trees, at 
night time fired them in the direction of Danda Rajpuri". 
This is all we know of this mysterious weapon. 

C/tadar. In the Maasir-i-'^Alamglrl 295, line 13, year 
1098 H. (1686), when the army was before Gulkandah, I 
find this passage, o yah tassuj pesh qadam na shudan-i- 
mardum az harish-i-tufang o ban o chadar o huqqah fjhair 
az Ixushtah shudan o zakhml gardldan maqsad sural nagirift. 
"From the rain of matchlocks and rockets and 'chadar 
and 'huqqaJt, the men could not advance a single inch, 
and no purpose was effected but to be slain or wounded". 
The context shows that c/tadar is here something that was 
fired off, but I do not know what. Elsewhere, as the con- 
text shows, the word denotes some kind of tent. As for 
instance in Ashob, fol. 265flf, ba pal iva chadar iva tambu, 
where chadar cannot possibly mean anything but a kind 
of tent. I have also seen the word chadar employed in a 
way that made it mean a sort of mantlet used as a field 
protection to gunners. I have mislaid my reference to the 
passage. 

Euqqah'i-dtash. Horn, 29, refers to Budaoni, i, 376, line 
7 from bottom, but I think it must be, i, 371, 372. 
(Ranking, 482). It was at the siege of Kalinjar in Bundel- 
khand in 952 h. (1545 — 1546). Sher Shah stood near the 
wall and ordered huqqah to be thrown into the fort. By 
chance one of these struck the wall and coming back with 
force broke in pieces, and the fragments falling on the 
other huqqahs, set fire to them and blew up Sher Shah. 
This passage does not show whether they were bombs 
fired from a mortar or thrown by the hand; but it is 
clear that they must have been one or the other. It shows 
that the projectile itself was called huqqah, a name derived 
no doubt from some resemblance in shape to the ordinary 
huqqah used in smoking. Steingass, 426, has huqqah-i-rdash, 
a kind of rocket used in war. Huqqah were used in 1044 h. 
(1634 — 5) by the defenders of Dhamonl in Bundelkhand, 



132 THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Badshahnamah, i, part 2, p. 108. The Central Asian word 
for the same thing seems to have been qarorah, see Mujmil- 
ut-tarlH bad Nadinyah, p. 78, line 13. We meet with 
another mention of these Ituqqah in an account of an 
assault on Dig by Najaf Khan's troops in 1191 h. (1777), 
see Khair-ud-din Mhd, 'Ibratncimah, \, p. 425. The Rohe- 
lahs scaled the wall by digging their knives into it and 
helping each other up, then hisarvi/an, hairan'i'nairangl'i- 
rozgar, sabackahd o Iiaqqah-hae baritt bar sar-i-shan ml 
andakhtand. "The garrison, harrassed by the instability of 
fortune, threw on their heads small pots {sabuchaJi) and 
huqqahs of gunpowder". This goes to show they were 
hand-grenades. The same author, i, 75, speaks on an earlier 
occasion of the garrison of Fatnah in 1173 h. (1759) 
resisting an assault by sabuchah-i-bdrut. There are some 
farther remarks on the J/uqqah under the head of Sieges. 



CHAPTER XI. 

LIGHT ARTILLERY. 

Bernier, 217, says the artillery in 1658 was of two sorts, 
the heavy and the light, or "as they call the latter, the 
artillery of the Stirrup". Another general name sometimes 
applied to the light field guns is toplhanah-i-rezah or "small 
artillery" {Alrwal-ul-khawaqln, 190<^). We also find it styled 
topkhanah-i'jambishl, "moveable artillery", by Khushlial 
Chand, Berlin ms. 495, fol. 1144^ and elsewhere. But 
more frequently the reading is iop-Jchdnah-i-jinsi. We find 
this in Khafi Khan, ii, 953, where the meaning seems to 
be "miscellaneous artillery" and in Tarlkh-i-Almad 8haJi, 
fol. 1243, under date the 18th Jamadlli", 1167 h., ll^h 
April 1754. In the latter passage the sentence reads — "the 
jinsi artillery, large and small, was ordered to be collected 
under the JharokaJi' (balconied window of the palace). 
Here it is made to include cannon of all sizes, and is used 
probably as equivalent to "the artillery attached to the 
emperor's person". Top-hhanah-i-jilau^ we are told by Colonel 
Colombari, 36, is the word used by Mirza Mahdi in Jahan 
kushUe Nadirl for "moveable artillery". I have not been 
able to find the passage intended. But the word is used 
in Mujmil-ut-tankh bad Ncidiriyali^ p. 86, line 9. 

This division into heavy and light artillery endured up to 
the end of the Moghul period, but I should describe the 
Artillery of the Stirrup rather as a subdivision of the Light 
artillery than as an identical term for it. For instance, 
distinct from the Artillery of the Stirrup proper, Bernier 



184 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

tells US that Aurangzlb had two hundred to three hundred 
light camels, each of which carried a small field-piece, of 
the size of a double musket, attached on the back of the 
animal "much in the same way as swivels are fixed in 
our vessels". 

Artillery of the Stirrup. The Stirrup {rikab) was a figu- 
rative expression for the emperor's immediate entourage. 
To be at Court was to be hazir-i-rikab, "present with the 
Stirrup". The artillery called by this name consisted in 
Bernier's time (Travels, ~218, 363) of "fifty or sixty small 
field-pieces, all of brass; each piece mounted on a well- 
made and handsomely painted carriage containing two 
ammunition chests, one behind and one in front, and 
ornamented with a variety of small red streamers„ The 
carriage with the driver was drawn by two fine horses, 
and attended by a third horse, led by an assistant driver 
as a relay. The light artillery is always intended to be near 
the king's person, and on that account takes the name of 
the artillery of the stirrup. When he resumes his journey 
in the morning and is disposed to shoot or hunt in game 
preserves, the avenues to which are guarded, it moves 
straight forward and reaches with all possible speed the 
next place of encampment, where the royal tents and those 
of the principal omrahs have been pitched since the pre- 
ceding day. The guns are there ranged in front of the 
king's quarters, and by way of signal to the army, fire a 
volley the moment he arrives". Sendhiah in later days 
imitated this practice, but called such guns his "orderly" 
artillery (Broughton, 109). But after 'Alamgir's reign and 
until European ideas were introduced towards the end of 
the IS*'*^ century, I do not find mention anywhere else that 
cannon were dragged by horses. Either oxen or elephants 
were used, to the exclusion of horses. 

Names for Light Cannon. For the lighter guns we come 
across many names, several of which are probably diff'erent 
words for practically the same thing. The names that I 



LIGHT ARTILLERY. 135 

have collected are 1) Gajnal, 2) Hathncd, 3) Shutarnrdj 
4) Zamhiirak, 5) Slia/nn, 6) Dhamaknh^ 7) BamjanaH and 
8) Bahkalah. There is also a word rahraii (literally, "mover, 
traveller") used on fol. 1005 of the Tarlkh-i- Alamgir Sam. 
Referring to the dismantling of the Dihli fort by Ahmad 
Shah Abdali in 1170 h. (January 1757) it says: "the great 
and small cannon that were on the bastions and over the 
gateways were brought down; also the rahrau of the 
moveable {jinsi) artillery". In reality there seem to have 
been only two classes of light artillery, which may be 
designated respectively, (1) Swivel-guns or Wall-pieces, (11) 
Field pieces. The distinction lies in the fact that the first 
class, the smaller pieces, were carried on the backs of ani- 
mals, while the second were transported on some sort of 
wheeled carriage. The Bahkalah (N°. 8) represents the second 
of these classes, and the other seven belong to the first 
category. 

1) Gajnal, 2) Hathnal. The words mean literally ' 'ele- 
phant barrel" from H. (/aj and H. hat hi, elephant, and 
P. 7ial, a tube or gun-barrel; for the former Steingass, 1017, 
has the alternative form kajnal. They are mentioned in 
the Aj7i, i, 113, and were thus called because they were 
carried on elephants backs. From the Jauhar-i-samsam 
(Fuller's translation, fol. 50) it would seem that each 
elephant carried two gapicd pieces and two soldiers. We 
are led to infer that they were fired from the back of the 
elephant. But perhaps the gun was placed on the elephant 
for transport only, and dismounted before it was discharged. 
In any case, the practice of using elephants for such a 
purpose soon ceased to be common, as we seldom find 
any trace of it in the later reigns. The word Jiarnal, 
literally "male-barrel", quoted by Horn, 28, from the Ajn, 
i, 113, 1 have never met with in any of the later writers. 
It was Akbar's name for matchlocks which one man could 
carry. 

3) Shutanial, 4) Zamburak, 5) Shahm, These words seem 



130 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

all three to refer to the same weapon, what we should call 
a swivel-gun or wall-piece. Shutarnal is literally ''camel-gun 
barrel", and denotes the fact that they were sometimes 
carried on and fired from camels' backs. ZamhUrah is 
derived from zamhUr, a bee or wasp, with a diminutive 
added, and thus means ''a little wasp", probably in allusion 
to its sound when fired, or its power of stinging or wounding. 
Sliahm, literally ''falcon", seems a later name for the same 
thing; a name which was brought into India by Nadir 
Shah (1738—9) or Ahmad Shah, Abdall (c. 1760). Horn, 
28, refers to it, quoting from Dowson's Elliot, viii, 398, 
a passage in Nig elm ama //A- Hind of Sayyad Ghulam ^Ali. 
See also W. Egerton, 29. An anonymous Indian writer 
{Waqat^-diyar-i'maghrih) describing the Durrani empire 
in 1212 H. (1797-8), writes of "the shakn-khanah, which 
are also called zamburalc\ The name shaJim may have been 
a translation of the European "falconet". Colonel F. Co- 
lombari "Les Zemboureks", Paris, 1853, p. 28, says it was 
the Afghans of Qandahar who first fixed the zambUraJc or 
falconet to the saddle by a moveable pivot. This mode 
was in use by them when they invaded Persia in 1722. 
Up to that time the camel had been used for transport 
only; the weapon when in use being placed on a rough 
wooden carriage, on the ground. 

As to the size of the zamburak or shutamcd, we are 
told by Bernier, 217, that it was "a small field-piece of 
the size of a double musket". Horn, 28, quoting from the 
French edition of Bernier (Paris, 1670, p. 110, ed. A. Con- 
stable 47, 218) adds that "a man seated behind it on the 
camel can load and discharge the gun without dismounting". 
A later observer gives a different account of their use 
[Seir, i, 250, note 34). "Zamburaks are long swivels with 
one or two-pound balls. Two of them are carried fastened 
upon the saddle of a camel; and when they are brought 
into play, the camel is, as usual, made to kneel on the 
ground ; but to prevent his rising, each leg is fastened, bent 



LIGHT ARTILLERY. 137 

at it is, with cord, and the animal remains immoveable". 
According to eJonas Hanway, "Revohitions of Persia", 3^ 
ed. 1762, ii, 153, this method was also adopted by the 
Persians for their "harquebuses". "Each of these pieces, 
with its stock, was mounted on a camel, which lay down 
at command; and from the backs of these animals, trained 
to this exercise, they charged and fired these arms". 
Mundy, 215, states the way of using the camel-gun diflPer- 
ently : "the gun revolves on a swivel fixed on the pummel 
of the saddle, and the bombardier, sitting astride behind 
it, loads and fires with wonderful quickness". This refers 
to Sendiah's army in 1828. 

6) Blinmakah. In one or two places 1 find Bhamakah 
mentioned along with rahkalah, as for instance in Jauliar- 
i-samsam, fol. 155^5 and Kamwar Khan, 227 (year 1132 h.). 
The word is used in the Ajn, i, 115, N*^. 39, for some 
kind of matchlock. But it was probably applied in later 
times to a small field piece of the same kind as the rah- 
halah, although 1 am unable to tell in what particulars 
they differed. The word is, of course, the Hindi dhamah 7/, 
the sound made by any heavy body falling on tc the 
ground. I recollect, in a case of murder brought befrre me, 
that this word was applied to the thud made by a dead 
body falling into a well. Shakespear doe^ not give the 
word in this, its more usual, meaning, but defines it as 
a kind of cannon carried on an elephant. Forbes copies 
Shakespear. Fallon, 659, has, however, as second meaning 
"a blow, thump"; and as third meaning the very vague 
word "firelock", which does not suit the passages where 
1 have found the word ; it was rather some kind of light 
field piece. 

7) Ramjanakl. Another unusual word for some sort of 
light field-piece is ramjaJd or ramjanakl (Jauhar4-mmsam , 
fol. 155fl). I also find the word used during the period 
1134—1147 H. in the Alnocd-i-khawaqin, fol. 216^, where 
1 read it Uamchangl. It is given as Bamjangl on fol. 8« 



138 THE AllMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

of the Hidayat'ul-quwaid of Hidayat-ullali, Bahari, com- 
posed in 1128 H. I cannot suggest even a derivation for 
the name. 

Organ {Argliun). "A weapon called an organ, which is 
composed of about 36 gun barrels so joined as to fire at 
once"; Letter from De Boigne's camp at Mairtha, dated 
13th Sept. 1790, in H. Compton's "Military adventurers", 
p. 61. Steingass, 38, has, Greek, ^^c,' an organ, or o^^^^- 
Mr. Compton suggests the comparison with a mitrailleuse. 

Chala7il. This is a word used by Rustam ^All, BijnorT, 
in his "History of the Rohelahs", fol. Via-, huhn taiyari 
saz ^araq, rakkala/i, chalanl, gajual, shutarncil ka. Evidently 
from the collocation of words it is some sort of offensive 
weapon. But as to what it is the dictionaries give no help; 
and I have not met the word elsewhere. 

Field Pieces. We come now to the second class of light 
artillery, that of field pieces mounted on wheeled carriages. 
Of the further subdivision of this branch into ordinary 
fifld artillery and artillery of the stirrup we have already 
sp ^ken. I have not come across any description of the 
pieces in purely Moghul times, but Fitzckrence, 88, writes 
thus of those taken from the Mahrattas at Jabalpur in 1817. 
"They were of cast brass with iron cylinders, two of them 
three and two bix-pounders, but they are so thick that till 
1 looked at the bore I thought they were six and nine. 
Six tumbrils with their bullocks fell into our hands, with 
much ammunition and great stores of balls, grape and 
chain-shot. They appeared to be very careless with their 
powder, as large quantities of it lay loose near the guns . . . 
The carriages of the guns and tumbrils have hands painted 
on them in red, and the only explanation 1 could get of 
the emblem, used here as well as on the colours, is that 
it is meant for ^ujali (worship)" \ 

* On the significance of the open hand as an emblem much light is 
thrown in a learned article by the late Mr. O'Neill in the "Pall Mall 
Magazine" for June 4895, pp. 59—72. 



LIGHT ARTILLERY. 139 

Thirteen of the four-pounders taken from the Mahrattas 
outside Dihli in September 1803 were of a similar make, 
namely, they were iron cylinders or bores over which it 
would seem the metal was run in casting the piece, "the 
adherence being so close that no chasm appeared, and 
nothino^ but the different colours of the two metals dis- 
covered the junction. The iron cylinder or bore was com- 
posed of four longitudinal pieces of hammered iron, remark- 
ably close and neatly fitted throughout the bore" (Thorn, 
"War", 1J7). Here again we have to remember that these 
guns were most probably produced in workshops super- 
intended by the Frenchmen in the Mahratta service. 

Bahkalah. In all histories of the later Moghul period 
we find a word rahhalah used in connection with artillery. 
Literally it means a cart (Shakes. 1203, Hindi). The word 
rahhalah may be heard to this day in the Upper Duab 
applied to the smallest size of bullock-cart, one having a 
platform or body and wheels, but no sides. This cart, also 
called a larrl, is used to carry produce from the fields to 
the threshing floor, and for similar light work. The word 
seems also to be in ordinary use in the town of Bombay 
for a country cart \ But in historical works it means a 
field piece or small gun, including of course the vehicle 
for its transport. These guns were drawn by bullocks. No 
doubt, as a passage in the Akhbar-i-muhabhat, p. 277, 
w^ould show, rahkalah was strictly speaking the name of 
the gun-carriage only: Ear do dast dar zer-i-rahkalah 
burdah, top ra ba rahhalah ta sinah bardasht, "Bringing 
both hands beneath the rahhalah, he lifted both gun {top) 
and carriage {rahhalah) as high as his chest". In ordinary 

' Parliamentary Paper No. 538, March 1894, p. 30, para. 29 of report 
by Acting Commr. of Police, Bombay, "natives of Kathiawad, who for the 
most part find an occupation in driving rehlas (small bullock carts)". 
Apparently these rehlas are the small gaily painted bullock carriages 
used for conveying people about in Bombay, one of which is depicted in 
the water colour by H. Van Ruilt (Loan Collection, Empire of India 
Exhibition, 1895, No. 398). 



140 THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

circumstances no such distinction was made, and when we 
read of the number of top and rahkalah in an array, we 
understand thereby so many siege-guns and field pieces. 
The word arahah is distinctly used for a field piece in 
line 1317 of the Hindi poem by Shridhar Murlidhar of 
Prag on the battle between FarrukhsTyar and Jahandar 
Shah, composed c. 1712; 

cFT cJTT cFTH cfTT ^T ^^^ ^ T\Z ^Tc^f^ ZV\ cFT 

''kar-kar-hara-kaf sou arctbe chhuten, tat pakani tapkl 

But more frequently he uses the word rahkala. Another 
18^^ century poet, Lai, in his Chhatar-prakash (p. 267, 
doha 15, line 2) also uses «ra^e as the name of a swivel-gun : 

Goli-gola chhutat arahe. 

Calling the whole thing a cart {rahkalah or ^arcibah) is 
only equivalent to our saying a "gun", when we mean 
the gun with its carriage, or the Indians saying chakra, a 
wheel, when they mean a cart. In all three cases the name 
of a part is used to express the whole of a thing. 

^Aradah'top. This is the name used in Khurasan for 
what must have been a field-piece, that is, in other words, 
a rahkalah. It is used by Mahmud-ul-Munshi in his 
Tarlkh-i- Ahmad Shahi, fol. 195 and elsewhere. 

Qasarah. This weapon, evidently meaning some sort of 
field piece, is mentioned by the author of the Eusain Shahl, 
fol. lib and elsewhere, as forming part of the equipment 
of the Durrani armies. 

Remarks on use of the loords ''^arabah'' a?id ''rahkalah'". I 
have not traced back the first adoption, in the secondary sense 
of a field piece, of a word originally meaning a cart. Either 
the usage was of Indian origin and of a date anterior to 
Babar's time; or it might have begun with the translation 
of a Turkish or Arabic word already in use in the Cha- 
ghatae army. The former is, I think, the preferable opinion. 



LIGHT ARTILLERY. 141 

Thus Babar in his "Memoirs" uses a word which also means 
originally a cart, the Arabic word ^arahah. But if this 
were in Turki the well known and accepted name of the 
cart on which a gun was placed, why does Babar's cousin 
and contemporary use the Persian word gardim (lit. wheel) 
for the same thing? See Tarlkh-i-Uashidi, ed. Elias and 
Ross, 474. 

"Arahah. Does Babar by this word mean nothing but a 
cart, or does he include in it the field piece also? The 
question is an interesting one. When recounting his pre- 
parations for the battle of PanTpat in April 1526, Babar, 
"Memoires", P. de C, ii, 161, tells us that he ordered his 
men to bring as many ^arabah as they could, and they 
collected seven-hundred. These were bound together with 
strips of hide, and in the intervals palisades of some sort 
{turali) were erected, the whole forming a kind of stockade 
or field protection. How, then, should we translate here 
the word "arabah? Literally it is, of course, cart; and for 
that literal version Pavet de Courteille, ii, 273, and Dr. 
Horn, 28, give their vote. On the contrary, Leyden and 
Erskine, "Memoirs of Baber", 304, prefer to render the word 
by "gun-carriage" and in other places "gun". Sir Henry 
Elliot follows suit, "Mah. Hist.", vi, 468, adding the curious 
assertion that "Babar had no light pieces at Panipat". 
Pavet de Courteille admits that a cart i^araba/i), being 
used to transport a field piece, could also be described as 
a "gun-carriage". But the main objection to this rendering 
is, in his opinion and that of Dr. Horn, the improbability 
that Babar had 700 cannon of any sort at Panipat; or 
that in another instance, given by Babar, the Persians 
could have had 2000 pieces, the word used being in both 
cases the same, that is, ^ardbah (P. de Courteille, "Memoires", 
ii, 161, 376). Elphinstone, "History", 363, following W. 
Erskine in his later work on Babar and Humayun, i, 433, 
writes, "linked his gu7is together by ropes of twisted leather". 

Looking to the small size of these Bahkalahs, throwing 



142 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

probably a ball of only two or three pounds' weight, it 
would not be very difficult to collect a large number of 
them. Nor would it be impossible to gather together seven 
hundred or even two thousand of such light pieces. Taking, 
then, all the probabilities of the case into account, the 
view of Pavet de Courteille and of Dr. Horn seems wrong, 
while that of Leyden, Erskine, Elphinstone and H. M. 
Elliot is more likely to be correct. We may safely believe, 
I think, that by ^arahah Babar meant not only a cart, 
but a cart with the small £fun carried on it. The onlv 
difficulty is that in other passages Babar combines with 
the word ^arabah (cart) the word zarh-zan (lit. "blow- 
striker") to designate the gun itself ("Memoires", P. de C, 
ii, 168, 336), and therefore, it may be argued, he would 
mean by "arahah, used by itself, a cart and nothing more. 
But these very passages, where zarh-zan occurs, may be 
turned round to strengthen the argument in favour of 
^ardba/i sometimes meaning a gun. For they show that 
Babar had field pieces in his army. If so, then where were 
these guns at the decisive battle of PanTpat? Unless we 
accept with H. M. Elliot the very improbable conclusion 
that Babar had then no light artillery at all, the obvious 
answer is that they were on the ^arabah, with which he 
formed his first line of field defences in preparation for 
the battle. This operation of entrenching the artillery and 
chaining the guns together, was a common device in the 
battles of later times. And we may infer that what his 
successors did so often afterwards, was what Babar did at 
Panipat, that is, he placed his artillery in front of his 
force in a long line, and there partially entrenched it and 
chained the guns together. 

Turah or Tobrah. As part of this question of Babar's 
use of guns in his battle against Ibrahim Lodi at Panipat, 
there arises a curious side issue about the meaning of the 
obscure word turah, s^y, or tobrah, «yy. First of all, which 
is correct, turah or tobrah'^ The latter form is that used 



LIGHT ARTir-LERY. 143 

by Nizani-ud-dln, Tahnqat-i-Akhar 8/iaJn, fol. 141^7, fol- 
lowed by his friend, 'Abdul-qadir, Budaonl, (Bibl. Ind. i, 
334, line 4). It does not seem to be a scribe's error, for 
in that case it would not have been adopted by a con- 
temporary, Budaonl, without any question. It is strange 
that Nizam-ud-dln Bakhshl, a soldier, a man highly placed 
at Akbar's court, and living barely two generations from 
Babar's time, should have misread Babar's "Memoirs", from 
which, as is quite evident, he derived his information about 
the battle of Panipat. Yet all the other sources that I have 
been enabled to consult agree in giving the word as tUrah, 
I am indebted to Mr. H. Beveridge for many valuable 
notes on these authorities. An excellent manuscript of the 
Turk! Baharnamali owned by Mr. Say3^ad All BilgramT, 
fol. 264^, line 6, has tUra twice in the same line; Ilminsky's 
Turkish text, p. 341, four lines from foot, has ^f/^m twice; 
the Bombay lithographed edition of the Persian text, p. 173, 
has turah. In the Akbarnamah (Lucknow edition i, 74, 
line 2), Abu^l Fazl, who is here evidently using Babar's 
"Memoirs", has tUrah. Then Erskine and Leyden, in [their 
translation of the Babarnamah, p. 304, found the word to 
be turah in the manuscripts they used; and in a later 
work, "History of India", i, 433, Erskine practically adheres 
to this version. To sum up, there can be little doubt, I 
think, that the word Babar used was turah and not tobrah. 
It is a little difficult to account for Nizam-ud-din making 
such a mistake. Perhaps finding a word turah, of which 
he did not know the meaning he altered it into the more 
obvious term, tobrah, a nose-bag. Although he thus obtained 
a word more definite in meaning than the other, one asks 
in astonishment how leather nose-bags could be converted 
into breast-works or palisades or shields ? Here the ingenuity 
of ^Abd-ul-qadir, Budaoni, comes to the rescue. In his 
Muntakhab-ut-tawarikh, Bib. Ind., i, 334, line 4, which is 
almost word for word a copy of Nizam-ud-din, and there- 
fore of the Babarnamah, he writes "between each pair of 



144 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGIIULS. 

carts i^arabah), six or seven nose-bags {tohrah) full of earth 
{pur4-khak) were arranged". Being furnished by Nizam- 
ud-din with the word tohrah, a nose-bag, he at once in- 
vented the earth with which he filled them, in order to 
make the use of such an unsuitable article somewhat more 
plausible. Of nose-bags there must have been plenty in an 
army consisting nearly entirely of cavalry, but even four 
thousand nine hundred of them (700 X 7) would furnish 
a very sorry protection to the soldiers, and if filled with 
earth could not be carried ''raised in the air" as the turah 
occasionally was. Sir H. M. Elliot, ''Mahomedan Historians", 
vi, 469, accepts Budaoni's version as quite satisfiictory, and 
as affording a gratifying explanation of the use to which the 
nose-bags were put: see Dr. Horn, 74, 75, who gives the 
references just quoted, which I have verified. Colonel Rru- 
king, i, 439, I am glad to see, takes the view that I do, 
namely, that tohrah is a wrong reading for turah. The 
difficulty about carrying in the air also throws doubt on 
D. Price's ("Retrospect", iv, 678) and H. Beveridge's {Akhar- 
namah i, 242) rendering of "gabion"; although in fairness, 
one is bound to admit that this word fits better than any 
other the description of the turah as used by Babar at the 
battle of Panipat. 

At times the leather nose-bags {tohrah) were, however, 
put to strange uses, as can be seen in the Tdrikh-i-Eusain 
Shahi, fol. 39r/. At the end of 1760, during one of the 
encounters which preceded the crowning victory of Panipat, 
Shah Pasand Khan, generalissimo of Ahmad Shah, Durrani, 
was seated on the edge of a well, cleaning the blood from 
his sword, when Shuja^-ud-daulah's retinue passed by. On 
the Nawab congratulating him, the general asked, "How 
many infidels thinkest thou we have slain?" "At the least 
five thousand", replied the Nawab. The Afghan said jokingly, 
"Give me one rupee each for them, and I will make over to 
thee twenty thousand heads". Then he shouted to his troopers, 
and each man as he rode up emptied the heads out of 



LIGHT ARTILLERY. 145 

his nose-bag at the feet of the Nawab. There were from 
two to four in each bag. 

Tdrah, the meaning of the word. \V. Erskine, "Memoirs 
of Baber", 304, in the passage we have just been discussing, 
translates "breastworks", and adds in a note that "the 
meaning assigned to Turnh is merely conjectural". In 
addition to its use as a term of military art, turah has 
several other meanings, some of which are better known. 
Steingass, 334, has torah^ Turkish, "law, regulation, custom, 
rite, a law instituted by Changiz Khan". The meaning under 
discussion he gives on the same page under the form of tUra. 
But he does not seem to have the not unusual one of "scion 
of a royal house", (especially when set up as a claimant 
to the throne), see Pavet de Courteille, "Diet." 224. In this 
last sense Indian writers use the word whenever the 
occasion arises. For one instance among many, Muhammad 
Qasim, Aurangabadi, applies it in his Jhival-i-khawaqin, 
1725, to the pretender. Prince Nekusiyar. The above three 
meanings can easily be derived from the Arabic word ^i^/, 
"Anything behind which shelter can be taken" (Kazmirski, 
ii, 1516). The same word, with quite a different meaning, 
turns up in the Badshdhnamah, ii, 208, year 1051 h. 
(1641-2). It is used there for a gift made to the widows 
of Yamin-ud-daulah, and is explained as being "nine pieces 
of unsewn clothing". According to Platts, "Dictionary", 342, 
this torah is an Indian word for dishes or trays of food 
and so forth, sent out as presents. In this sense it is also used 
more than once in the Tdrlkh-i-^Alamc/lr Sdm^yesiY 1171 h., 
folios 1735, 175r/ and 176^7 

As a military term, what then was a turah or tfird? In 
the passage having reference to the battle of PanTpat, Pavet 
de Courteille, "Memoires", ii, 161, translates "sorte de palis- 
sades". In his "Dictionnaire Turc-Oriental", 225, the same 
author defines the tarah as pieces of wood and iron bound 
together with chains and hooks, behind which the soldiers 
took shelter. The word appears in other places in Babar's 

10 



146 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

memoirs. For instance, "the infantry marched in front, 
their turah raised in the air" (P. de C, i, 150, Ilminsky, 
p. 86, six lines from foot, Erskine, 74), and "orders were 
given to prepare turah and ladders, and also all that is 
necessary for the turah ^ without which a town cannot be 
taken by assault" (id. ii, 328). The exact kind of thing 
intended is thus left extremely vague, as is shown by 
Pavet de Courteille's alternatives ("Memoires", ii, 828) 
"sorte de palissades ou de boucliers". Perhaps Babar em- 
ployed the word in a shifting, somewhat elastic sense, 
applying it to anything coming under the general meaning 
of "a shelter" or '*a protection". I suppose it was usually 
what European military writers would call a mantlet (see 
Lake, "Sieges", 216, note). Apparently the same sort of thing 
was used by the Mahrattahs at the siege of Karnala in 

1670, where "they advanced by throwing up boards 

which they carry before them", Grant Dnff, 110, quoting 
the Bombay Records. Quatremere, "Histoire des Mongoles 
de la Perse", i, 387, note, also holds that the turah was 
*'une sorte de mantelet", relying on three passages in the 
Zafarnamah, two in the Kabib-us-siyar, and one respecti- 
vely in the Matla^'US-sa^dain and the Akharnamah \ 

Muhrah-i-rahkalah. This is an expression used by Mhd 
Qasim, Aurangabadi Akwal-i-khatvdqtn, 210^, for which I 
can find no meaning in the Persian dictionary. Describing 
his preparations for resisting an expected night attack of 
the Mahrattahs, he says, Ba har janih kih dar-rasand 
jamf-i'mubarizan faraham dmdah, muhrah-i-rahkalah ba 
muqabilah-i-dn nci-pdkdn bay ad kard. From this I infer 
that it means the nozzle or mouth of the gun. The same 

1 I am indebted to Mr. H. Beveridge for calling my attention to the 
passage in Quatremere. The work referred to is "Collection Orientale, 
Manuscrits inedits de la Bibliotheque Royale — Histoire des Mongoles de 
la Perse, ecrite en Persan par Raschid eldin, publiee, traduite en frangais, 
accompagnee de notes et d'un momoire sur la vie et les oeuvres de I'auteur", 
par [Etienne Marc] Quatremere, Vol. i, folio, Paris, 1836. The Persian 
title is Jami'^-ut-tawarikh. 



LIGHT ARTILLERY. 147 

word is used, id. 126/^, where it evidently means "chess- 
man". J. Shakespear, 2003, gives muhri (which he derives 
from munh, face) as the bore of a gun. This must be Mlid 
Qasim's meaning in the first of the above passages; but is 
not the word more probably connected with the Persian 
mori or muhri, a drain pipe? Khushhal Chand, Berlin Ms. 
1004^, uses the expression az muhrah-i-bandtiq majruh gasli- 
tah : and again id. 1015/5 (twice) and ]019fl. In the 
second of these four cases the word seems to refer to the 
mouth of the cannon; in the first, third, and fourth, to 
the ball or bullet itself. Ashob, fol. 262^, uses Muhrali 
quite plainly for the muzzle of a gun. He tells us that in 
1739, during Nadir Shah's general slaughter in Dihli, 
having no weapons to defend their warehouses, some mer- 
chants resolved on frightening the Persians into leaving 
them unmolested. They removed the poles and bambus 
from their thatched roof, laid them on the walls and the 
top of the gate, with their ends toward the street, so that 
they looked like the barrels of matchlocks or wallpieccs, 
with their muzzles {muhrali) showing. 

Ban {Rockets). Dr. Horn speaks of these on p. 39 of his 
treatise. Some form of rocket or fire-arrow was in use among 
Hindus from very early times. The word han is said by Stein- 
gass, 152, to be from vana, Sanskrit for an arrow. But takhsh 
used for a rocket in Elliot, ''M. Hist.", iii, 439, {MalfUzat-i- 
Taimurt), as quoted by Egerton, 17, is not found in any 
modern work. In the Ajn, i, 110, N". 13, we have takhsh 
kaman, but that is explained as a small bow, while rockets 
appear as ban, N°. 77, p. 112. Euqqah-i-dtash, defined by 
Steingass, 426, as a kind of rocket, has been placed by 
me under mortars, which see, ante p. 129. The stick of a 
rocket was apparently called chharl (h. a stick), see Khafi 
Khan, ii, 304, line 15, year 1095 h., sadmah-i-chobchharl- 
i-ban ba dahan-i-u rasidah bud: ''He had received a blow 
on the mouth from the stick {chob-chharl) of a rocket". 
In Tartkh-i-^Alamglr Sanl, fol. lo2a, we have a word 



148 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

descriptive of some portion of a rocket, which reads ^^j-^., 
pu/a/c, but must be intended, I think, for 1^j>j , pun(/d, "a 
hollow tube", Platts, "Dictionary", 281. A thing called 
qainchi-i'han is mentioned twice in the Ahwdl-i-khawdqln 
(209<^, 219/5i) and Khushhal Chand speaks of Mahabat Jang, 
governor of Bengal, having with him in 1155 h. (1742) 
two thousand qaichl-i-bdn [Nddir-uz-zamdnl, Berlin Ms. 
W\ 495, fol. 1128«]. See also Ashob, fol. 110«, and again 
122fir, who uses the word qaicM when writing in 1198 — 
1199 h. of the events of 1150 h. I am not able to say 
what this was; but I guess it to have been a tripod or 
support from which the rocket was fired. Steingass, 997, 
gives qai?ichi, scissors. Perhaps, however, it is only one of 
the descriptive words so often used, like zanjir with elephants 
or rds with horses; in that case it adds nothing to the 
meaning. Another obscure name, in connection with rockets, 
hahak-hmihd, is found in the Akbarndmah (Lucknow edition, 
iii, 19, line 9). The only suggestion I can offer is, that it 
refers to the screaming noise made by some special kind 
of rocket, and that the word is, h., kuhuk, the cry of the 
koil, or scream of the peacock. 

Rockets were an invariable part of the equipment of a 
Moghul army. Bernier, 48, speaks of their being used 
by Dara Shukoh at the battle of Samugarh in 1658, and 
references to them might be multiplied almost indefinitely. 
Ashob, fol. 24 1«, speaks of the great number of rockets 
which fell into Nadir Shah's hands with the rest of 
Muhammad Shah's artillery in 1152 (1739). The rocket, 
according to this writer, was invented and first used in the 
Dakhin. In his time they were chiefly carried on camels, 
each of which carried ten rockets besides the rocket man. 
At times they were conveyed on carts drawn by two or 
four bullocks, each cart carrying fifteen rockets, besides the 
necessary attendants. The idea of the Congreve rocket, intro- 
duced into the British service in 1806, is said to have 
been obtained from those used by Tipu Sultan at Seringa- 



LIGHT ARTILLERY. 149 

patara in 1799, where Congreve was present as a subaltern. 
But rockets were not peculiar to Maisur, they had been 
used in all ages and before that time had spread all over 
India. They were used by the Nagpur Rajah at Jabalpur 
in 1817 (Fitzclarence, 87). 

The Ban is N^. 77 of the list of weapons in the Ajn, i, 1 1 2, 
and is figure 62 of plate xiv. It was adorned with a small 
triangular flag of green, white, or red. Rocket men marched 
on each side of the emperor's moving throne or of his elephant. 
This practice was imitated by the Dutch envoy Kotelar, in 
his procession into Lahor in 1712 (Valentyn, iv, 283). 

We possess several descriptions of the rocket. Moor, 509, 
quoting Major Dirom, says ''the rocket consisted of an 
iron tube of about a foot long and an inch in diameter, 
fixed to a bambu rod of ten or twelve feet long. The tube 
being filled with combustible composition, is set fire to, 
and being directed by the hand flies like an arrow to the 
distance of upwards of 1000 yards. Some of the rockets 
have a chamber, and burst like a shell; others called 
ground rockets, have a serpentine motion, and on striking 
the ground rise again and bound along till their force be 
spent. They make a great noise and exceedingly annoy the 
native cavalry in India, who move in great bodies; but are 
easily avoided or seldom take effect against our troops, who 
are formed in lines of great extent and no great depth". 

They are thus spoken of by an anonymous European, 
writing in French about 1767, Orme Mss. 4307, "Fouquets 
{ban), a species of rocket or pipe of iron filled with fine 
powder well rammed, and tied to long sticks. They make 
a great noise in the air. They are used to throw at crowds 
and to embarrass cavalry, but it is easy to protect oneself 
against them. Mostly they create more disorder than they 
do damage. The Rohelahs are reputed more skilful with 
them than any one else. Every army has some. The foot 
soldiers in charge might be styled ^'grenadiers" ". 

Difficulties arising in the use of rockets are well described 



150 THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

by Captain Thomas Williamson, 6:2, ''Bans are not very 
safe engines, being apt to turn back on those who use them. 
They are much employed among the native powers. The 
contrivance is very simple, being nothing more than a 
hollow cylinder of iron, about ten inches or a foot long, 
and from two to three inches in diameter, closed at the 
fore end, and the other having a small aperture for filling. 
These cylinders are tied strongly to Icitldes, or bamboo 
staves, six or seven feet long, parallel to the thickest end 
of the bamboo. The fuze at the vent is lighted, the 
direction is given by the operator, a slight cast of the hand 
commences the motion, and then the dangerous missile 
proceeds to its destination. The panic it occasions among 
cavalry is wonderful ! When it does fall where intended 
its effect is inconceivable ; all fiy from the hissing winding 
visitor, receiving perhaps a smart stroke from the stick, 
which gives direction to the tube and often causes it to 
make the most sudden and unexpected traverses. So deli- 
cate, indeed, is the management of this tremendous weapon, 
that without great precaution, those v/ho discharge them 
are not safe, and it requires much practice, not only to 
give them due elevation, by which their distance is pro- 
portioned, but to ensure that they shall not, in the very 
act of discharging, receive any improper bias, which would 
infallibly produce mischief among the party". 

M. Wilks, "Hist. Sketches", ii, 27, note, says "The 
Indian rocket derives its projectile force from the same 
composition which is used in the rockets of ordinary fire 
works; the cylinder which contains it is of iron; and 
sometimes gunpowder at its extremity causes it to explode 
when it has reached its object: a straight sword blade is 
also not unfrequently affixed to the rocket; an attached 
bambu or reed steadies its flight; the rocket men are all 
trained to give them an elevation proportioned to the 
varying dimensions of the cylinder and the distance of the 
object to be struck : as those projected to any distance describe 



LIGHT ARTILLERY. 151 

a parabola of considerable height, a single rocket is easily 
avoided, but when the flight is numerous, the attempt would 
be useless and their momentum is always sufticient to destroy 
a man or a horse. Such was the ancient Indian instrument, so 
inferior to the Congreve rocket of modern European warfare". 

Lastly, Fitzclarence, "Journey", 255, holds that "Rockets 
were early brought into use and are far from being an 
ineffectual weapon. They have an iron cylinder fastened 
with untanned leather thongs and transported on horses 
or animals, and on being lighted an additional impetus is 
given to them from the foot of the thrower. They will 
pass through the body of a horse or man". Opposite p. 35 
of his book he gives a plate showing a private in the Camel 
Rocket Corps then (1817) forming part of the Bengal Army. 

Malitah. On Husain 'All Khan's being despatched in 1714 
against Ajit Singh of Jodhpur, part of his equipment was 
100 Mahtah. I am not sure what these were; but as they 
are named along with rockets, I presume they were some 
kind of missile. Steingass, 1352, says mahtah is a kind of 
firew^ork ; and J. Shakespear, 2000, has "a kind of fireworks, 
blue lights", he refers to Qanoone Islam, where mahtah and 
naqti mahtah appear in the Appendix, p. Ixiv, under fireworks. 

Powder Magazines. These were called BarUt-khanah, see 
Ghulam 'All Khan, Muqaddamah-i- Shah ^Alam-namah, fol. 885. 

Pal-i-sii/ah. I find this expression twice at least in the 
Ahical-i-khawaqm (fols. 2095 and '2'27a); "The rahkalahs 
w^ere filled with pal-i-siyaK\ and it is thus either an ex- 
plosive or a projectile. In another passage in the same 
work, 625, the same word is used, where from the context 
it ought to mean a copper coin : kharmuhrah, o 'pal-i-siyah, 
zar-i-sufed o zar-i-surkh, i. e. a cowrie, a copper, silver 
coin, and gold coin. Steingass, 254, has put, a small coin. 

Badar. I find this word used in the second of the above 
passages, badar hae-pal-i-siy ah. It was thus something in 
which the pal-i-siyah was contained. Is it badrah, a bag? 
(Steingass, 162). 



CHAPTER XIT. 

PERSONNEL OF THE ARTILIiERY. 

Of this arm of the service it is doubtful whether the 
Moghuls knew much before they descended into the plains 
of India under Babar. What they did know was probably 
borrowed from the Turks and from Constantinople. Nor 
could the art and science of gunnery have been very ad- 
vanced in India itself, when the Moghuls arrived in that 
country in the first half of the 16^^ century. In the earlier 
Moghul period, at any rate, the emperors were dependent 
for their artillery on the help and instruction of Rumis, 
that is, Mahomedans from Constantinople, or of Farangis, 
principally run-away sailors from Stirat, or Portuguese half- 
castes (Horn, 29). Rumi Khan was a well known officer 
of the first of these classes. Of either the real Europeans 
or their half-caste Portuguese substitutes, we find little or 
no mention. The Indian Mahomedans ignored as much as 
possible the services of the Christians and Europeans in 
their employment. Possibly this may have been due to the 
contempt which they really felt for Christian foreigners 
and their abhorrent ways. The slight consideration with 
which Mahomedan nobles treated Europeans, even those of 
some position, up to the middle of the 18^^ century, can 
be learnt from the statements in a letter written about that 
time by the celebrated Marquis de Eussy-Castelnau (R. O. 
Cambridge, "War", Introduction, xxix, xxx). Similarly, Haji 
Mustapha, a very acute observer, remarks about our early 
successes in Bengal, "But hear a Moghul, or read any of 
their relations, it seems that the whole revolution hangs on 



PERSONNEL OF THE ARTILLERY. 153 

the Moghols themselves only, and if any mention at all is 
made of foreigners, it is only to hint that Jafer Ali Chan 
gave also his protection to a few hundred frenghees, headed 
by one Clive, whom the new Nabob and his party saved 
from imminent destruction". (Dalrymple, ''Or. Repertory", 
ii, 217). The same feeling was shown by the governor of 
Orissa in 1633, when he insisted that Cartwright, an English 
trader, should kiss his foot, C. R. Wilson, "Early Annals", i, 8. 

In spite of the almost complete silence of native authors, 
there is still evidence that up to the middle of the 18^^ 
century considerable bodies of Portuguese continued to be 
enlisted. For instance, we learn that Juliana d'Acosta, a 
Portuguese lady who held the office of matron of the harem, 
imported from Goa three hundred Portuguese, for most of 
whom she obtained employment (Gentil, "Memoires", p. 
375). From the Tankh-i-Muhammadl (year 1147 h.) we 
learn that "Julya, a Farangi woman, a doctor and favourite 
of the deceased Shah ^Alam (i. e. Bahadur Shah) and of 
the reigning emperor, MM Shah, died at Dihli in Rabf 
i, 1147 (August 1734)". Again, Father TiefFen thaler, a 
Jesuit priest from the Tyrol, spent about sixteen years 
between 1747 and 1764 as priest in charge of a commu- 
nity of Christians in the imperial service, who had settled 
down in the obscure town of Narwar, 108 miles south of 
Agrah, (Bernouilli, "Recherches sur I'lnde", i, 175, and 
pp. 4, 5 of author's preface). 

There are other scattered notices about Europeans em- 
ployed in the artillery. Bernier, 217, (Horn, 32) says "But 
the artillerymen receive great pay, particularly all the 
Farangis or Christians; Portugueze, English, Dutch, German, 
and French, fugitives from Goa and from the Dutch and 
English companies. Formerly, when the Mogols were little 
skilled in the management of artillery, the pay of the 
Europeans was more liberal, and there are still (1658) 
some remaining, who receive two hundred rupees a mouth, 
but now the king (^Alamgir) admits them with difficulty 



154 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

into the service and limits their pay to thirty two rupees" ^ 
Bernier also mentions, T6, 93, that the garrison of Bakkar 
in Sind had, in 1658, artillerymen who were Portuguese, 
English, French and German. They had been enter- 
tained by Dara Shukoh. And in describing the battle of 
Hasanpur in 1133 h. (1721) Khushhal Chand, Berlin 
Ms. 495, fol. 1015^, speaks of the "skilful Europeans" 
{Farangiyan-i'chahuk-dast) who worked the guns. Later 
again, in 1750, the principal artillery officer of Nazir Jang, 
subaJidar of the Dakhin, was an Irishman (Cambridge, 
"War", 67); We learn also from the Eusain 8/iahi, fol. 
34^, that in 1760-1 most of Sendhiah's gunners were 
Europeans {JSasarl-i-Farang); and Gentil, "Memoires", 285, 
asserts that at the battle of Katrah in 1774, Hafiz Rahmat 
Khan's artillery was commanded by a Spaniard. So late as 
1815 the Nizam had some Portuguese artillerymen in his 
service. "They had a Portuguese who levelled each gun 
himself, and appeared to have the direction of the attack. 
If by chance a shot struck any part of the wall, so as 
to raise a dust, the air resounded with acclamations in 
praise of the old Portuguese, who seemed in no small 
degree flattered thereby" (Lake, "Sieges", 16, note). 

Mir Atash. At the head of the artillery was one of the 
great officers of state, the Mir Atash (Lord of Eire), or 
DarogIiah-i-topk//anah (Superintendent of the Cannon depart- 
ment). 8ometimes, as in Jahandar Shah's reign (1712), we 
read of two such officers, one at the head of all the artil- 
lery, and the other in special command of the light artil- 
lery attached to the emperor's person. These men were 
mansahdars, graded in the usual way according to their 
services or the favour in which they stood. But the rest 



a month. G. Careri, 244, copies the above passage, except 
that he interpolates a statement that the heavy artillery especially was 
in the hands of Frank or Christian gunners, and that the Europeans 
entered through Goa or absconded from warships. 



PERSONNEL OP THE ARTILLERY. 155 

of the men on the establishment of the imperial artillery 
were paid direct from imperial funds, and in this respect 
were treated differently from the main body of the army, 
which consisted almost entirely of cavalry, men dependent 
upon and paid by the chief under whose banner they 
enlisted. There were, as we know, some bodies of cavalry 
in direct pay of the emperor, such as the Aliadis, the 
Wala Shahi and so forth. But all the rest of the men so 
paid, matchlockmen, artillery-men and artificers, including 
such an unmilitary class as cotton-carders and such like, 
seem to have been lumped together under one head as 
Ahsliani. One point that these men had in common appears 
to have led to this incongruous classification. They were all 
borne on the imperial treasury pay-rolls, and paid direct 
therefrom as persons in the immediate employ of the emperor, 
and not entertained through any chief or mansabdar^ to 
whom their pay could be disbursed. 

The Mir Atash had grown into a most important officer; 
this is borne ont by Khushlial Chand's remark, Berlin Ms., 
fol. 1133i^, when Safdar Jang was appointed on the 21st 
March 1744, that "contrary to former days, the artillery 
has become the most trusted and favoured corps in the 
army". Involving as it did the command of the imperial 
artillery, which was always parked round the fortress or 
palace or the tents occupied by the emperor, this office 
carried with it the custody of the emperor's person and the 
guarding of the palace gates and walls, {^eir ii, 373, note 170, 
and Malumat-ul-afaq, fol. l^b). 

The Mir Atash seems to have performed for the officers 
and men under his command most of the duties belonging 
for the rest of the army to the Bakhshis. He was aided 
in the execution of these duties by a Mushrif, or executive 
officer. The Mir Atash laid before the emperor all demands 
made on his department; all orders to it passed through 
him. He checked the pay bills and inspected the diaries 
of the Arsenal before sending them on to the Khansaman 



156 THE AKMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

or Lord Steward. He saw to the postings of the artillery 
force, and received reports as to all losses and deficiencies. 
The agent at the head of the artillery pay-office was nomi- 
nated by him. The descriptive rolls of artillery recruits 
passed through his hands, all new appointments and pro- 
motions were made on his initiative {DastUr-ul-Aml, B.M. 
1641, fols. 235—27/;). 

In dealing with artillery, the subject falls naturally under 
three heads, 1) Manufacture, 2) Artillery in use, 3) Arsenals 
or Magazines. It is doubtful how far in later times the 
Mir Atash was concerned in the casting of guns or the 
provision of stores. The Top-khanah was classed as one of 
the workshops, or karkltmiajat, belonging to the Imperial 
Household, which were in charge of the imperial Khansaman, 
or Lord Steward ; and as Daroghah of the Topkhanah, used 
in this sense, the Mir Atash must have been a subordinate 
of the Lord Steward. But in course of time, as the artillery 
branch developed, the office of Mir Atash grew in impor- 
tance, until he was the equal or more than the equal of 
his nominal superior, the Khansaman, and as commander 
of the artillery in use he must have been wholly indepen- 
dent of that official. 

In earlier days, judging from passages in Babar's memoirs, 
a Mir Atash was supposed to supervise the casting of cannon. 
Ustad QulT Khan, Babar's Mir Atash, is described as taking 
an active part in the founding of a large cannon at Agrah. 
I doubt if this was the practice in later reigns; I fancy 
that the cannon-foundry and ordnance store department 
fell more completely into the hands of the Khansaman 
and his officers, while the Mir Atash confined himself more 
exclusively to his purely military duties. As for arsenals, 
magazines, or store-houses of cannon and the other requi- 
sites pertaining thereto, these were under neither the 
Khansaman nor the Mir Atash. All reserve artillery and 
stores were kept in certain great fortresses, such as Agrah, 
Dihli and Labor, in the charge of the special commandant 



PERSONNEL OF THE ARTJLLERY. 157 

{qildhdaf), who was an officer appointed direct from court 
and in no way connected with or subordinate to the pro- 
vincial governor {nazini or sUbahdar). 

Ilazar'i. The word hazarl often appears in histories, and 
from the context 1 have found that it means an officer of 
artillery, generally of garrison artillery. The equivalent may 
be taken to be our rank of captain. Hazarl is, of course, 
the same word as that used for one of the ranks (mansabs), 
which we have detailed earlier in this work. But the two 
t/iin{/s intended by the one word could not have been the 
same. A mansabdar of 1000 was a officer of high, or at 
any rate of considerable, rank; while Hazans are spoken 
of in the plural in a way to show that they were nume- 
rous and of no great consideration. 

Some writers, Mirza Muhammad, for instance, in his 
Tarikh-i'Muhammadl, invariably use for an artillery officer 
the word mink-bashl where others use Hazarl. Ghulam ^Ali 
Khan, M uqaddamah-i-Shah ^Alam-namah^ fol. 64a, also uses 
that word. Kam Raj, A^zam-ul-harb, fol. 120^, uses both 
Mink-bashl and Hazarl in the same sentence. The two are 
equivalent in meaning, for mink-bashl is the Turkish for 
"Commander of 1000" {inink, 1000, bclsh^ head). See Horn, 
14, 136, (Taimur's Ordinances, Davy and White, 281). Of 
course, this and the other Turkish terms for commanders 
of various ranks must have been known to and used by 
the Moghuls up to the time that Babar conquered India. 
But it does not seem as if the Turkish words passed into 
the official nomenclature of Hindustan. In that country all 
the ranks {mansab) were known by their Persian aud not 
by their Chaghatae Turkish names. Apparently the Ajn-i- 
Akbarl (at least, judging from Blochmann's translation) 
makes no use of the word Mink-bashl. From this I infer 
that the word came into India with the Turks from Con- 
stantinople, who were the chiefs and leaders in the Indian 
artillery during the earlier Moghul period. As the services 
of these and of Europeans, who were also employed, were 



158 THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

much prized, they may have been accorded at first the rank 
of commander of 1000 (i. e. mink-bashl or hazdri), and 
although, as the Indians themselves grew more familiar 
with the working of artillery, the estimation and market 
value of an artillery officer diminished, the original name 
of Hazarl or Mink-bds/n may have stuck to the office, after 
the rank denoted thereby had ceased to belong to it. This 
designation of Hazarl explains the epithet in Blacker, 
''War", 340, applied to the Mahratta qildhddr or com- 
mandant of Mandlak (Central India), viz. Sahib Rae Hazarl, 
or as Blacker spells it, Hazeree. Possibly also Pogson's 
"Lulloo Hoozooree", commandant of Ajaigarh in Bundel- 
khand, ought to be Hazarl (''Hist, of the Boondelas", J 35). 

Sadiwdl, Mirdahah, Sdir. These names follow those of 
the Hazarl in all the official manuals, and may be taken 
as equivalent to lieutenant, sergeant, and privates. The 
etymologies are P. sadl, group of 100, lodl h. affix for man, 
person, possessor; mir contraction of P. mlr, lord, master, 
dahah, a group of 10; sdjir P. the rest, remainder, the 
others, i. e. the common gunners, (Davy and White, "In- 
stitutes", 232). Kam Raj, A^zam-ul-harb^ fol. 120(5, has 
the form sadlddr. 

Golanddz. When gunners are specifically named this is 
the designation they receive, and in the Manuals they 
appear among the Ahshdm. Golanddz literally "ball-thrower", 
is derived from P. gol, ball, and anddz, the root of P. 
anddkhtan, to throw. We do not know how many men 
were attached to each gun and it must have varied a good 
deal, but Horn, 27, suggests sixteen as the average number, 
by inference from a passage in the Tuzuhi-Jahdngln 
(Lowe, 18, line 9). Ahmad Abdali had two men to each 
shdhln or falconet (Horn, 28, Elliot viii, 398). From Mirza 
Haidar's account of Humayun's artillery in 1540, it is in- 
ferred by Horn, 29, that there was then an average of 
seven men to a gun (Elias and Ross, 375?). 

Deg-anddz. These were the men who had charge of and 



PERSONNEL OF THE ARTILLERY. 159 

used the deg, which I have mentioned under the head of 
Heavy Artillery. The name is literally 'Tot-thrower", P. 
deg, a pot, and andaz, throwing. I am not certain whether 
this means that they had charge of mortars, called deg, 
or whether they used hand-grenades. The latter would be 
more near the literal meaning, and I do not think that 
mortars were at all common in India until introduced by 
Europeans after the middle of the 18th century. A passage 
in Fitzclarence, 246, seems to bear out my interpretation 
of Deg and Deganddz. He says "at times they have re- 
course to thick earthen-ware pots with fuses and full of 
powder, the pieces of which wounded dreadfully". 

Ban-andaz, Ban-dar. As these "Rocket-throwers" or 
"Rocket-holders" are rated separately in the official books, 
it must be inferred that they existed as a separate body. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

AHSHlM. 

The Alisliam is the heading under which the later native 
writers place all connected with the army, who were neither 
maTisabdars, tablndn, nor ahadis. I retain the heading, with 
one change only; I place the artillery by themselves, as of 
sufficient importance for separate treatment. 

In the Ajn, i, 251 — 254, there is a chapter headed 
Fiyadagan which corresponds generally to the Alisham of 
the later books. Under the same head as Akbar's 12,000 
matchlockmen, who are the only men in the group at all 
entitled to be reckoned as soldiers, come the doorkeepers, 
the palace guards, the letter carriers and spies, the swordsmen, 
wrestlers, slaves, litter-bearers, carpenters, water-carriers and 
so forth. In the Ajn, i, 254, there is a class of troops 
called Dakhill (extra, additional) which seems no longer 
to have existed in Mlamgir's reign, at least the name has 
dropped out of the official manuals. 

The vague word Ahsham (Steingass, 21, A, pi. of ifa.5//<^/;0 
is defined in the dictionary as servants, domestics, followers, 
attendants, retainers, a kind of militia or armed police. In 
the official manuals {BastUr-ui- Ami) it comprehends the 
infantry, the 'personnel of the artillery, the artificers, and 
the attendants on the court. The incident of service which 
was common to all these men, and caused their inclusion 
under one head, was the fact that they were all borne 
direct on the imperial books, and received their pay from 
the imperial treasury, without the intervention of a man- 
sabdar. This fact also accounts for Abul Fazl's apparently 



AHSHAM. 161 

anomalous classification of the artillery as part of the 
Household in Book i of the Jjti, instead of with the rest 
of the army in Book ii, Ajn 1 to 10. I have also found 
Ahsham used with three more restricted meanings: 1) The 
light artillery which attended the emperor's person wherever 
he went were called the AhJicim {Mirai-ul'IstilaJ/^ fol. bb). 
This artillery is described by Gemelli Carreri, French ed., 
iii, 244, and by Bernier, 217, 363, who calls it ''artillery 
of the stirrup" (i. e. rikab) ; 2) the word Ahsham is used 
constantly in the 18^^ century for the gunners of the 
garrison artillery ; and 3) we find Ahsham used as a general 
term for petty zamindars serving in any campaign, and the 
half-armed militia or levies which they brought in their 
train. Khafi Khan, ii, 953, names the daroghah-i-ahshain 
separately, between the mir atash and the daroghah-i-top- 
Manah-i'jinsl, which would make the Ahsham something 
distinct from both the artillery generally and the light 
artillery. 

Infantry, As already stated, this arm of the service held 
a very inferior position and was of little or no consideration 
(Bernier, 219). Writing about 1760, and referring more 
particularly to the south, De la Flotte, 258, says that the 
less numerous body gave way at the first meeting, espe- 
cially infantry before cavalry; "nay, seldom would 50,000 
infantry stand before 20,000 cavalry". Another observer, 
Orme, "Hist. Frag.", 417, says the infantry consisted in 
a multitude of people assembled together without regard 
to rank or file: some with swords and targets, who could 
never stand the shock of a body of horse; some bearing 
matchlocks, which in the best of order can produce but a 
very uncertain fire-, some armed with lances, too long or 
too weak to be of any service, even if ranged with the 
utmost regularity of discipline. Little reliance was placed 
on them. To keep night watches and to plunder defence- 
less people was their greatest service, except their being a 
perquisite to their commanders, who received a fixed sum 

11 



162 THK ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

for ever}? man, and hired every man at a different and 
less price. In short, the infantry were more a rabble of 
half-armed men than anything else, being chiefly levies 
brought into the field by petty zamindars, or men belonging 
to the jungle tribes. Any Mahomedan or Rajput, who 
respected himself, managed somehow or other to provide 
himself with a mount and obtained enrolment as a cavalry 
soldier, who was in popular estimation a gentleman. The 
high figures for Infantry in each district and province, 
shown in volume ii of the Ajn-i-Akbarl, can only be ac- 
cepted under considerable reservation. These numbers can 
only represent the men called on to render strictly local 
duty, and they must have consisted almost entirely of 
villagers armed with long pikes, or swords and shields, 
perhaps even with only an iron-bound bambu staff [lathi). 
Bernier tells us, 217, that the foot soldiers received the 
smallest pay: "and to be sure, the musketeers cut a sorry 
figure at the best of times, which may be said to be 
when squatting on the ground and resting their muskets 
on a kind of wooden fork which hangs to them. Even 
then they are terribly afraid of burning their eyes or their 
long heards, and above all least some jinn, or evil spirit, 
should cause the bursting of their musket. Some have 
twenty rupees a month, some fifteen, some ten". And again, 
219, (a passage copied almost word for word by Gemelli 
Careri, iii, 244) ; "I have said that the infantry was in- 
considerable. I do not think that in the army immediately 
about the king the infantry can exceed 15,000, including 
musketeers, foot-artillery, and generally every person con- 
nected with that artillery. From this an estimate may be 
formed of the number of infantry in the provinces. I 
cannot account for the prodigious amount of infantry with 
which some people swell the armies of the Great Mogol, 
otherwise than by supposing that with the fighting men 
they confound servants, sutlers, tradesmen, and all those 
individuals belonging to bazars or markets, who accompany 



AHSHAM. 163 

the troops. Including these followers, 1 can well conceive 
that the army ini mediately about the king's person, parti- 
cularly when it is known that he intends to absent himself 
some time from his capital, may amount to two or even 
three hundred thousand infantry. This will not be an 
extravagant computation, if we bear in mind the immense 
quantity of tents, kitchens, baggage, furniture, and even 
women, usually attendant on the army". 

Nagas. These bodies of so-called Hindu devotees were 
common in the armies of the 18^^ century, and I believe 
that to this day the Rajah of Jaipur entertains a large 
number of them. There was a corps of them in the Audh 
service from about 1752 to the end of the century. The 
last leader of these was Rajah Him mat Bahadur, whose 
name appears so frequently in our own early connection with 
Bundelkhand (Pogson, "Boondelahs", 119 — 122, Francklin, 
"George Thomas", 364, 365). With this exception the 
Mahomedans do not seem to have retained any of these 
fakirs in their employ. Anquetil Duperron ''Zend Avesta", 
I, Ixxv, describes a body of these armed vagabonds, num- 
bering some 6000 men, that he met in 1757 on their 
way to Jagannath. The three leaders marched first, a long 
pike in one hand and a buckler in the other. The main 
body was armed with swords, bows and matchlocks. Haji 
Mustapha, during his adventurous attempt in 1758 to reach 
Masulipatam via Western Bengal and Pachet, came across 
five thousand of these devotees on their way to the Ganges 
at Sagar; "they are all of them tall, stout, well-limbed 
men, in general stark naked, but very well armed" (Dal- 
rymple's "Oriental Repertory", ii, 239). A description of a 
corps of these Nagas commanded by a disciple (chela) of 
Him mat Bahadur, and then in the employ of Daulat Rao, 
Sendhiah, well be found in Broughton, "Letters", 96, 104, 
106,-123. Blacker, "War", 22, says the "Gossyes" i.e. 
Gusains or Nagas, "have always been considered good 
troops". 



164 THE AMRY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

^Alighol. In the later years we find a class of troops 
known as '^Ahghol, who from one passage (Fraser, "Skinner", 
ii, 75, 76) would seem to have been the equivalent of the 
ghazis, as we now style them, so frequently heard of on 
our Afghan frontier. Eraser defines them as "a sort of 
chosen light infantry of the Rohilla Patans : sometimes the 
term appears to be applied to other troops supposed to be 
used generally for desperate service". They are also men- 
tioned in V. Blacker, "War", 23. W. H. Tone, 50, makes 
out the ^Alighol to be one of the divisions of the Nezib 

Silah-posh. In 1799 the Jaipur Rajah had a body-guard 
of sixteen hundred men, armed with matchlocks and sabres, 
who were called the silaJ/posh, no doubt from their being 
clad in armour (Francklin, "George Thomas", 165). 

Najlb. The word means literally "noble", and Blacker, 
"War", 22, tells us they were irregular infantry, who dis- 
dained uniform and carrying a musket, their arms being 
a matchlock, or blunderbuss, and a sword. They disdained 
to stand sentry or do any fatiguing duty, considering it 
their only business to fight and to protect the person of 
their prince. W. H. Tone, 50, says that long practice had 
enabled them to load with sufficient readiness, while their 
matchlock carried farther and infinitely truer than the 
firelock of those days. The Najibs was also excellent 
swordsmen. 

With regard to the Najibs in the Nawab of Oudh's ser- 
vice in 1780, Captain Thomas Williamson, 124, tells us 
that they were clothed in blue vests and drawers, furnishing 
their own arms and ammunition (matchlock, sword, shield, 
bow and arrows). Their discipline was very contemptible; 
they answered very well for garrison duty, but could not 
stand the charge of cavalry, having no bayonets, while 
their arms were totally unfit for prompt execution. As for 
the Nawab's troops organized in imitation of the E. I. 
Company's battalions, they were, even on actual service. 



AHSHAM. 165 

nothing but "food for powder". Such as had bayonets had 
no locks: those that had hammers to their locks, had no 
cock, or at any rate the flints were wanting. Such ammu- 
nition and cartridges as there were had, through damp and 
time, become so incorporated with the wooden pouch-blocks, 
that when touched the tops came ofi", leaving the powder 
and ball a fixture. A battalion of Najibs could with ease 
cut to atoms half a dozen of those mock regiments. 

Faf/iabaz. The author of the Eusain Sha/n (written in 
1212 H., 1797-8) mentions, fol. 345, that in 1760-1 Sendhiah 
had several thousand FathcMaz, "a word which in the 
idiom of the Dakhin is applied to courageous men and 
expert swordsmen". They received their name, no doubt, 
from their weapon, the patfa or straight rapier (see ante p. 77). 

Dhalait. This Hindi word (Platts, 572), meaning lite- 
rally "shield bearer", I have met with in three writers. 
Ashob applies it to one of the three foot soldiers who 
followed Sa^d-ud-dln Khan, the Mir Atash, when forced 
in 1151 H, (1738), much against his will, to accompany 
Nadir Shah's general of artillery into the streets of Dihli, 
to put the inhabitants to the sword. This Bhalait was sent 
as a messenger to carry a note to the Wazir, Qamr-ud-din 
Khan, (Ashob, fol. 2565). The word is also found in 
Tankh-i-Alamglr Sam, fol. 136«, referring to the year 
1170 H. (1756-7); and in the Tahmas-namah of Miskin, 
fol. 49«. 

Amazons. At the end of the 18^^^ century the Nizam at 
Haidarabad had two battalions of female sepoys, of one 
thousand each, which mounted guard in the interior of 
the palace, and accompanied the ladies of his family when- 
ever they moved. They were with the Nizam during the 
war against the Mahrattas in 1795, and at the battle of 
Kurdlah did not behave worse than the rest of his army. 
They were dressed as our sepoys used to be, and performed 
the French drill with tolerable precision. The corps was 
called the Zafar-paltan or victorious battalion, and the 



166 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

women gardani^ a corruption of the word "guard" ^ The 
pay was five rupees a month (Blacker, 213, note). This 
Nizam seems to have had a penchant for female warriors. 
Moor, "Narrative", 117, tells us of an Italian lady, a 
dancer, who so entranced him, that he conferred on her 
a title and placed a battalion under her command. She 
now learnt the manual exercise and evidently took her 
military position au grand serieux. Soon afterwards a foreign 
male dancer arrived, and the lady was directed to appear 
in ^ pas de deux. Full of her new dignity, she objected; 
and as the Nizam insisted, she resigned her command and 
retired to Poona. 

Sihbandi. This was the name for the armed men enter- 
tained by local officers when engaged in collecting the 
land revenue {Dastur-ul-^Aml, B.M. 6598, fol. 483). Colonel 
Sir R. C. Temple ("Calcutta Review", Oct. 1896, p. 406) in 
an article on the Andaman Sibandi Corps, suggests that 
this word found its way into Anglo-Indian use from Madras, 
and that originally it was unknown in Northern India. 
This opinion seems untenable in the face of the authority 
above quoted, which belongs to Northern India and is not 
later than 'Alamgir (1658—1707). The word is also used 
for local levies by Danish mand Khan, Bahadur ShalMimnah 
(entry of the 12th Shaban 1120~h. = 26th October 1708). 
Or we may go still farther back, to the year 932 h. (1526), 
when we find it applied by Babar to the Indian levies of 
Ibrahim Lodi. See the Baharnamah, lithographed text, 174; 
the bedhindi of Pavet de Courteille, ii, 163, is an obvious 
misreading. 

Barqandaz. This name (literally barq, lightening, andaz, 
thrower), which came to be the commonest name for a 
foot soldier using a musket, appears rarely, if at all, in 
earlier writings, unless as a mere metaphor. An early use 
of it as a name for a matchlock man is found in Ahwal-i- 
khawaqln, 2093, (c. 1 147 h.). 

* Or perhaps better, "guard" plus the feminine termination anl. 



AHSHAM. 



167 



MatcJilochnen, Rates of pay. The following table shows 
the rates of pay for the various classes of the matchlock- 
men; it may be presumed, perhaps, that the mounted men 
were in the position of officers, or were perhaps what we 
should call mounted infantry. First we have the pay of 
the regular matchlockmen {BandtiqcM-i-jangi or Tufang-chi) 
who were either Eaksariyahs or Bundelahs. Of these some 
drew rates of pay specially fixed, and entered in the official 
diary at the time when they were entertained {Inihm). The 
usual rates, which every one else got, were as follows: 



Class. 


Rank. 


Qadiml 
(old). 


Jadidi 

(new). 




Suwar, 


HazarlDuaspah 


Rs. 45, 40, 32 


Rs. 40, 35 




(mounted). 


(two horsed). 










Id. Yakaspah 


Rs. 22, 20, 17Jr 


Rs. 20, 171- 






(one horsed). 








Piyadah, 


Sadl-wal 


Rs. 9 


Rs. 8 




(foot). 


Mirdahah. 


Rs. 8 


Rs. 7 






SaJr (the rest). 


Rs. 6, 5^, 5 


Rs. 6^ 


Cash Rs. 6, 
and conditional 
jagir, 8 annas. 



Akbar's rates for these men, Ain, i, 116, work out as 
follows : 



Class. 


1st Grade. 


2iid Grade. 


3id Grade. 


4tii Grade. 


Sth Grade. 


Mirdahahs 


Rs. 7.1; 


Rs. 7 


Rs. 6f 


Rs. 6^ 




Others Rs. 


l8t 

6[ 


2 ad 

6 


8rd 


1st 


2nd 

5.1 


3rd 
5 


1st 

41 


2nd 


3rd 

4[ 


1st 

4 


2nd 

^ 


3rd 


I8t 

3| 


2nd 

3 


3rd 

2^ 



The later rates for the Mirdahahs would thus appear to 
have been a little higher than those first fixed; those for 
the common soldiers, on the whole, much higher. 



168 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

There are some words which occur in the above which 
call for some explanation: 

Baksariyah is a curious word, and suggests to us at its 
origin the town of Baksar on the Ganges in the Bhojpur 
country. The region is one which still supplies from its 
Rajput and Bhuinhar clans the stalwart clubmen of the 
zamindars in Bengal proper, the door-keepers of private 
houses in Calcutta, and many of the finest sepoys in our 
Hindustani regiments. Bhojpur shared with Audh the supply 
of men to our native army in Bengal from its earliest to 
its latest days, that is, from the middle of the 18^1^ to 
the middle of the 19^^ century. That these men crowded 
to our standards, as soon as the Company began to raise 
an army, was due, no doubt, to their having already been 
accustomed, for generations, to serve as matchlockmen and 
gunners in the army of our predecessors, the Moghuls. 
When in 1756 Calcutta was threatened by Siraj-ud-Daulah 
and preparations for defence were made, we find that "the 
number of Buxeries" (i. e. Baksariyahs), "or Indian match- 
lockmen, was therefore augmented to 1500". (Orme, Mil. 
Trans., ii, 59). See also the Glossary prefixed to an Address 
to the Proprietors of East India Stock (J. Z. Holwell's 
India Tracts, 3^ ed. 1774), — "Backserrias — foot soldiers 
whose common arms are sword and target only". 

The connection between the Baksariyahs of the army 
and the town of Baksar in Bahar was evidently a matter 
of common belief and acceptance. In the Chahar Gulshan 
of Rae Chatarman (my copy, fol. 127/5), written in 1173 h. 
(1759), in the itinerary from Rae Bareli to Patnah, when 
the author comes to Baksar, he adds "original home-country 
of the Baksariyahs" {asl loatn-i-Baksariyah-ha). It is strange 
that they should have been known by the name of the 
town rather than by that of the subdivision of the country, 
that is, parganah Bhojpur, sirkar Ruhtas, Subah Bahar 
{A}n, ii, 157). We call them nowadays Bhojpuris and 
not Baksariyah. In the historians belonging to the \%'^^ 



AHSHAM. 169 

century, I find that the men of the garrison artillery are 
usually designated Baksariyah. 

Bu7idelahs. Bundelahs are, of course, the Rajput clan 
whose home is in the country south of the Jamnah and 
eas{. of the Betvvah river (J. Rennell, ''Memoir of a Map . . .", 
p. ^34, but for the northern limit read Jamnah instead of 
Ganges). Their appearance in this list shows that originally 
they w^ere held to be an inferior class of troops, and 
employed principally as matchlockmen. They were always 
renowned, however, for their bravery. In the end, through 
the rise of the Orchhah rajah, the head of their clan, and 
that of the so-called Dhangya State, formed by Champat 
Rae and extended by his more famous son, Chattarsal, 
their position was much enhanced, and during the 18^^ 
century they played an extremely prominent part, fighting 
first on the side of the Moghuls and subsequently against 
them. 

Arabs. In later times, in the Dakhin at any rate, the 
best infantry were held to be the Arabs, who received 
higher pay than others. They received Rs. 12 a mouth, 
while the lowest pay was only Rs. 5 a mouth. The Arabs 
were in general fully to be depended on, but particularly 
so in the defence of walls (Blacker, "War", 21). 

Other classes under this general head of Ahsliam were 
Bhilah, Mewatl, Karnataki, Mughal (B.M. 1641, fol. 593, 
60a). For a mention of Bhilah and Karnataki in 1133 h. 
(1721), see Khushhal Chand, Berlin Ms. 495, fol. ]013i5. 

The golandaz {golah, ball, andaz, thrower) or artillery- 
man, the Degandaz {deg, pot, andaz, thrower) and the 
Bandar {ban, rocket, dar, holder) are included in this section, 
but 1 have classed them under the head of Artillery. In 
one battle, that against 'Abdullah Khan, Khushhal Chand, 
Berlin Ms. 495, fol. 10133, speaks of certain men imme- 
diately around the emperor's elephant as qurqchis, there 
being two kinds, those in yellow and those in red. The 
word, an unusual one in Indian works, is defined by 



170 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Steingass as "a gamekeeper, a sentinel over the women's 
apartments". 

BInlah. These were men of the wild tribe whose home 
is in the rugged country between Ajmer and Gujarat. 
They are described by an 18*^^ century writer, (Anand 
Ram, Mukhlis, Mirdt-ul'Istilah, fol. 1845) as being in 
their own country nothing but highway robbers and skilful 
hunters, wearing clothes mostly of leaves. Their principal 
weapon, which no doubt they brought with them when 
in the emperor's service, was the long bow of bambu called 
kamanth, which has been already described (p. 95). 

Mewati. These men are further designated Tir-andaz 
(archers, lit. ''arrow throwers"). Mewat is the hilly country 
south and west of the Jamnah, between Agrah and Dihli 
(J. Rennell, "Memoir", cxx). It derives its name from the 
tribe inhabiting it, the Meos. In the Ijn, i, 252, the men 
from Mewat are called Mewrahs, and they are described as 
post-runners and spies. Neither the name nor these duties 
seem to have belonged to the MewatTs in the 18^^ century; 
though mewrah had survived as a name for a post-runner 
of any kind. From Mewat, the name of the country, 
comes the word Mewati, an inhabitant of Mewat. They 
are now Mahomedans and were famed, until our time, for 
their turbulence. Their depredations made the imperial 
highway from Agrah to DihlT, via Mathura, at all times 
unsafe; and it was necessary to travel in large parties, or 
to hire armed men, who were probably themselves MewatTs, 
on the principle of setting a thief to catch a thief. A good 
description of the state of things about 1710 will be seen 
in Yar Muhammad's Dastur-ul-Ins/ia, p. 130, 131. The 
E. I. Company's envoy, Mr. John Surman, who travelled 
this way to Court in June 1715, mentions in his diary 
that at Agrah they were forced to hire an armed guard 
for their protection (Orme Collections, p. 1694, under date 
of June 8tli). 

Karnatakl. These must have been men from the south 



AHSHAM. 171 

of India, the word Karnatak by the Moghul usage applying 
to the whole of peninsular India south of the Tungah- 
bhadra, except Adoni (J. Rennell, "Memoir" (Peninsula), 
20). I suppose these men in the Moghul army were of the 
same class as those who formed our first sepoy battalions 
in the south of India. In Northern India, which they 
reached in 1757 as part of Olive's force sent for the relief 
of Calcutta, they were known as Talingahs, that is, men 
of the Talagti country; and Talingah is still the common 
village word in Hindustan for a sepoy in one of our regi- 
ments. De la Flotte, 258, who served in South India from 
1758 to 1760, says the infantry (no doubt the same men 
as these Karnatakis) carried on their heads a bundle of 
rice and their cooking utensils, their women carrying the 
husband's sword and other arms. Those were a very long 
and heavy matchlock called kaitoke {ante, p. 107). The 
whole family followed. 

Kala Piyadah. Kamwar Khan (Ms. of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, Morley's Catalogue N^ 97) when speaking of the 
army led against Nizam-ul-Mulk by Mubariz Khan, subah- 
dar of Haidarabad, says there were in it 30,000 match- 
lockmen of the Dakhin known as Kala piyadah, (lit. 
"black foot-soldiers"). These if not identical with, must 
have been very similar to the Karnataki. 

Rawat. This is a name which in Northern India indi- 
cates generally any respectable Hindu landholder who is 
not of very high caste. Mahomedan writers not infrequently 
apply it to the general body of Mahrattah soldiery, most 
of whom were of the kumbi caste, for which such an 
epithet would be appropriate. It is applied in this sense 
by the author of the Husain-shahl to 12,000 men, who served 
in Sendhiah (Scindiah) Patel's army during the campaign 
ending in the battle of PanTpat (1760—1761). 

Bargi. Another general name used by some writers, when 
speaking of the Mahrattah soldiery, is Bargl. See Ma^asiru- 
l-umara, iii, 740, line 17, and J. Shakespear "Diet." 319; 



172 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHUl.S. 

its use is also referred to in Grant Duff, 37. I do not know 
the etymology of this word. 

Mughal. As to these men I can suggest no reason for 
their appearance in this list of men serving in the infantry, 
but it is curious to find that there were any Mughals, 
who would deign to serve in this inferior branch of the 
service. 

Farangi, These must have been Europeans serving in 
the capacity of common soldiers. They were probably for 
the most part native Christians, or so-called Portuguese, 
either from Goa, or from the colonies of that nation settled 
about the mouth of the Ganges and Brahmputra. There 
may have been among them some fugitive sailors from 
ships lying at Surat or Cam bay. More usually, however, 
such men entered the artillery. Ashob, fol. 266^?, informs 
us that in 1739 there were still Franks in the Mus^hal 
service. They were all Frenchmen, either attached to the 
artillery or practising as surgeons, bone-setters {shikastah- 
band), or physicians. The chief of them, Farangi Khan and 
Farashish Khan, were accounted nobles and drew nobles' 
pay. These Europeans lived in a special quarter called 
Farangipurah just outside the Kabul gate, close under the 
hill Kali Pahar, They killed some of Nadir Shah's provosts 
{nasaqc/n) and in retaliation the colony was wiped out. 

Pag. The pay of the classes above enumerated is given 
as follows (B.M. 1641, fol. 59/5, 60«). The word sa^ir, which 
I would render "private soldier", will be found used in 
that sense in the Institutes of Taimur, Davy and White, 
232, sU^yU, "common soldiers". 



AHSHAM. 



173 





Mounted {Suwar). 


Foot {Piyadah). 




Name. 
















Remarks. 




HazIrI 

DUASPAH. 


SadTwal 


SADnVAL. 


MiRDAHAH. 


Sair. 






Yakaspah. 
















Rs. 


lis. 


Rs. 


R. a. p. 


R. 


a. 


P- 




Bliilali 


52 


•26 


10 


8 12 


6 


4 





Formerly they 
received rations, 
but no pay in cash. 


Mew at! 


50 


25 


— 


4 8 


4 








Receiving rations. 


II 


— 




8 


6 


5 








"Without rations. 


Karnataki 


50 


■25 


8 


7 
6 


5 
4 




8 








Mughul 


— 




— 


8 


7 
6 




8 








Farangi 


— 


according 


S 


6 4 


6 














to order 






5 
5 
5 


12 

8 
4 










Bernier, 217, gives the pay of foot soldiers at Rs. 20, 
15, and 10 a month, and the pay of FarangTs as Rs. 22 
a month. Rations, when issued to the above men, were 
as follows: Flour {arad), \\ sir, Split peas {dfil) \ sir, 
Salt {namak) \ of a dam, ghi {rogJia/hi-zard), 2 dams. 

Artificers, or other men classed under Infantry. Of these 
there were a number, artisans and labourers, who can 
scarcely be designated soldiers at all; they were really 
camp-followers, though they may possibly have carried some 
sort of weapons for their own protection, just as we furnish 
litter-bearers with swords when on active service. The 
Beldars were used to make difficult roads passable (?lorn, 
24, \ilnmglr-7iamah, 653); they also threw up the field- 
works usually made to protect the guns. One duty of the 
carpenters and axemen was to cut a road through the 
thorny jungle with which most petty strongholds were 
surrounded. The use of some of the others, as bearing on 
the service of the army, are obvious enough ; others, less 
so. Dr. Horn, 24, seems to translate beldar by "beiltrager", 
a word meaning, 1 believe, an axeman. But bel is a spade. 



174 



THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 



hoe, or mattock, and a heldar is a digger up of earth, an 
excavator, not an axeman. 

The following table gives the names and pay of some 
of these artificers (B.M., 1641, fol. mh). Many of the 
words I am unable to make out. 



Name. 


Class. 












Remarks. 


Persian. 


English. 


SUWAR. 

Yakaspah. 


PlYADAH. 








Rs. 






Kahardah Turanl 


— 


40 


Rs. 14, 11, 7 




II liindusianl 


— 


(as ordered) 


Rs. 8, 7, 6, 5^ 




wUc^ ^^J 


— 


(as ordered) 


Rs. 15 




Najjar 


Carpenters 


(as ordered) 


Rs. 8, 7, 5 




Basali 






Rs. 10 


An armourer? 
Steing. L87, 
Basal, an iron 
helmet, 


Ahangar 


Blacksmiths 


— 


Rs. 6[, 6[, 6 


Musuji {diO\M&'^) 
Rs. 9^ 


Bhnnah 


Cotton-carders 


— 


Rs. 6 




Badaha 


— 


— 


Rs. 6, 5 




Sahalki 


— 


— 


Rs. 8, 7 




Khor hahliyah 


— 


— 


Qadim, Rs. 9 
Usual, Rs. 8, 7 


Bahelii/ah, a bird 
snarer ? 


Sang -tar ash 


Stone masons 


— 


Rs. 8, 7, 6 




Modi 


Leather workers 


— 


Rs. 8 




Atashhaz 


Firework makers 


— 


Rs. 7, 6, 5 




Kharati 


Turners 


— 


Rs. 7 




Arah-kash 


Sawyers 


. — 


Rs. 6 




Beldar 


Diggers 


— 


(blank) 




Naqh-kwi 


Miners 


Rs. 20, 17 


Rs. 41, 4.V, 4 




Tabrdar 


Axemen 


— 


Mirdahah, Rs. 5 1- 
Private, Rs. 4]-' 




Salotrl 


Farriers 


Rs. 15 


— 





CHAPTER XIV. 

ELEPHANTS. 

Horn, 51 — 56, includes elephants in his account of the 
fighting force. But long before the Moghul empire fell into 
decay, they had become principally beasts of burden or 
means of display, and their role in the day of battle was 
comparatively insignificant. 

Akbar seems to have made much use of elephants, 
bringing them into the field in great numbers (Horn, 51, 
52, 53). In his time they carried on their backs musketeers 
or archers. This practise seems to have soon ceased. But 
as late as 1131 h. (Nov.-Dec. 1718) and Muharram 1133 
(November 1720) we hear of their being used to carry 
small cannon. Thus Sayyad Husain 'All Khan, when he 
re-entered Dihli on his return from the Dakhin, had forty 
gajnal elephants, which each carried two soldiers and two 
pieces, Jauhar-i-Sanisam, Fuller's translation, fol. 50. Again, 
when ""Abdullah Khan, Qutb-ul-Mulk, was made prisoner 
at the battle of Hasanpur, a gajnal elephant was ordered 
up, and seated on it the prisoner was carried before 
Muhammad Shah {Jauhar-i-Samsam., fol. I58fir, and Fuller's 
trans., fol. 76). 

To the last some elephants protected by armour were 
brought into the battle-field. But their use was confined 
almost entirely to carrying the generals or great nobles, 
and displaying their standards. The baggage elephants were 
assembled in the rear with those bearing the harem, the 
women remaining mounted on the latter during the battle, 
and protected by a strong force posted round them. 



176 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

In the day of battle elephants were provided with armour, 
called paJihar, Ajn, i, 129, W. 21. This was made of 
steel and consisted of separate pieces for the head and 
trunk. In one place, A/noal-i-khawaqm, 2186, I find the 
epithet barc/ustawan-posh applied to armour-clad elephants. 
Again Ghulam ^AlT Khan, Muqaddamah, 34/^, applies the 
word kajim to elephant armour in general, and defines 
bargustuioan, as a protective covering adjusted on the trunk 
of an elephant when going into battle. The rest of the 
complicated gear used in connection with elephants is set 
out in detail in the Ajn, i, 125 — 130. Besides their own 
armour, the riding elephants carried on the day of battle 
an armour-plated, canopied seat, called an ^iman, of which 
the sides were some three feet high. The prince or noble 
took his seat in this, and was thus protected with the 
exception of his head and shoulders from all distant attack 
{Mirat-id'JstilaJi, 207/5). We are told by Haji Mustapha, 
Seir, ii, 301, note 140, that the ^imari and the haudah 
(or Haudaj) "are diff'erent, the former has a canopy and 
is used for travelling or for purposes of state, the latter 
has no cover and is employed in w^ar". Or again, in other 
places, i, 33, note 41, and i, 337, note 283, he says the 
haudah is made of boards strengthened with iron, having 
the shape of an octagonal platform, with sides eighteen 
inches high. In war time the sides were raised to two 
feet, and were then covered with iron or brass plates. It 
was divided into two unequal parts; in the forepart, about 
three fourths of it, a man may easily sit with his pillows 
and cushions, or upon a stretch, two men. The hind part 
held one man, and that with difficulty. He adds that 
when "covered with a canopy it is called an amhari and 
is not used in the field". This last statement cannot be 
accepted, as all the historians speak of the seat used in 
war as an ^imari, ^^Uc Moor, "Narrative", in his glossary 
under Amhara says that a seat with a canopy was so 
called, and without a canopy it was a haudah. "It (the 



ELEPHANTS. 177 

canopy) is generally made of Europe scarlet cloth and 
embroidered, and sometimes has a golden or silver urn or 
some such ornament on the top. Mahomedans prefer a 
crescent". 

The object of mounting the general or commander on 
an elephant was that he might be seen from a distance 
by all the troops. For in those days battles were nearly 
always decided by the fate of the leader. If he was killed 
or disappeared, the army gave up the contest and in a 
very short space of time melted away altogether. Nadir 
Shah wondered at this Indian habit of mounting the 
general on an elephant: "What strange practice is this that 
the rulers of Hind have adopted? In the day of battle they 
ride on an elephant, and make themselves into a target for 
everybody ! {Malahat-i-maqal of Rao Dalpat Singh, fol. 54^). 
The criticism seems to have been taken to heart. For Miskin, 
fol. 43r/, tells us that Mu^in-ul-mulk, governor of Labor 
(1748 — 1754), declared that a general on an elephant was 
like a prisoner in the midst of his guards, and a mere 
target for the enemy. The next time that he fought Ahmad, 
Durrani, he meant to ride, a horse. In other ways, too, 
the elephants were sometimes of more harm than benefit. 
If wounded, they were liable to get beyond control and 
escape at the top of their speed. In one instance, in a battle 
near Labor in 1124 h. (March 1712), a wounded elephant 
rushed off with ^Azim-ush-shan, son of Bahadur Shah, and 
jumping off the high bank into the river Ravi drowned 
himself, and the wounded prince along with him. 

Elephants were also used to batter in the gates of fortified 
places. It is for this reason that such gates are generally 
found protected by metal plates and spikes. To counteract 
these, the elephant was again, in its turn, provided with 
a frontlet of steel. We find an instance at Arcot (Arkat) 
in 1751, when "the parties who attacked the gates drove 
before them several elephants who, with large plates of 
iron fixed to their foreheads, were intended to break them 

12 



178 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

down : but the elephants, wounded by the musquetry, 
soon turned and trampled on those who escorted them" 
(Orme, Mil. Trans., i, 194). 

Under Akbar the elephants ridden by the emperor were 
called khasali (special), and all others were arranged in 
groups of ten, twenty or thirty, called Iialqah (ring, circle). 
In later reigns, (B.M. 1690, fol. 176r/) the same classifi- 
cation was employed, with a rather more extended meaning, 
khasa/i then including all riding, and halqah all baggage 
elephants. Mansabdars from 7000 down to 500 were required 
to maintain each one riding elephant, and in addition, five 
baggage elephants for every 100,000 dam of pay. As I 
understand the rule, these elephants belonged to the em- 
peror, and were not even made over to the mansahdar for 
use. The origin of this practice can, I fancy, be detected 
in a passage in the Ajn, i, 126 (see also i, 130), where 
Abu^l Fazl says that Akbar "put several halqahs' (groups 
of ten, twenty, or thirty elephants) "in charge of every 
grandee, and required him to look after them". In Akbar 's 
time apparently the fodder was supplied by the State. I 
have already referred to this matter of Khurak-i-datoabb 
under the heading of Pay (p. 20). 

Armandi's work on the military history of the elephant 
is almost entirely taken up with its use by the Greeks 
and Romans. The Moghul period occupies only fifteen pages, 
and there is nothing in those pages of any novelty. There 
is another v/ork which covers in part the same ground, 
"Historical Researches on the Wars and Sports of the 
Mongols and Romans", by John Ranking, "resident up- 
wards of twenty years in Hindoostan and Russia". The 
main object of this very discursive treatise, which ranges 
over India, Siberia, and Great Britain, seems to be to 
prove that the fossil bones of elephants found in Europe 
are the remains of those used in war and sport by the 
Romans and Moghuls. Sixty quarto pages are taken up by 
a life of Taimur. The most valuable part of the book is 



ELEPHANTS. 179 

perhaps the descri])tion of the elephant (pp. 440—450). 
In spite of his ''upwards of twenty years in Hindustan", 
Ranking seems to have found some difficulty with the 
word zanjlr, a chain, as applied to an elephant. On p. 12 
of his Introduction, he says "very frequent mention is 
made in Asiatic histories of c/iain elephants ; which always 
means elephants trained for war; but it is not very clear 
why they are so denominated". The explanation is fairly 
easy. The word zanjtr (chain) is here one of the fanciful 
catchwords attached to every being or thing in the Oriental 
art of ^iyaq, that is, of accounting and official recording. 
Some fancied appropriateness was discerned in the epithet 
so used. Pearls were counted by danah, seed, horses by ras, 
head, shields by dast, hand, bricks by qalih, mould, and 
so forth. For elephants the word is znjijir, chain, which 
is no doubt a reference to the iron chain by which an 
elephant is hobbled when not in use. Having to speak of 
100 elephants, a Persian or Indian scribe writes 100 
zanjlr-i-fil, or in an account he would enter them thus; 

mi, 

zanjlr, 
100. 

All elephants had names, as they have still. Horn, 79, 
gives several names from the Akharnamah\ and again, p. 
124, (Von Noer, Fr. trans., i, 171j, he refers to Akbar's 
own elephant Asman Shukoh (Heaven Dignity). Catrou, 255, 
has Bahingar (Ornament of the Army) and Aurang-gaj 
(Throne-elephant). Danishraand Khan; entry of 26^^ Rama- 
zan 1120 H., refers to Fath-gaj (Victory Elephant), and 
we find in Elliot, viii, 95, Mahasundar (Queen of Beauty) 
ridden by Nadir Shah. 

After the introduction of fire-arras and the gradual ex- 
tension of their use, elephants ceased, even in the East, 
to be of much value in the fighting line of battle. As I 
have said above, the chief men still rode them and dis- 
played their standards on them. But this was more for the 



180 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

purpose of being seen and of acting as a centre and ral- 
lying point, than for any advantage derived from the ele- 
phants themselves, either through their strength or their 
courage. (To the same effect, see De la Flotte i, 258, and 
Cambridge, "War", Introd. ix). 

Nizam-ul-Mulk seems to have maintained a large number 
of elephants even so late as about 1143 h. (1730-1). 
When on a campaign to the north of his dominions, in 
the direction of the Tapti, he had with him 1026 elephants, 
of which 225 were provided with armour, and presumably 
were used in battle {Ahwal-i-Jihatoagm, 218(^). On this 
occasion he made a curious trial of their staunchness or 
otherwise. In an open space near the river he ranged his 
guns in a line, (there were 44 top and 1225 rahkalah), and 
drew up his elephants opposite them. As the elephants 
advanced, the cannon were fired, supported by musketry. 
A few of the elephants stood fast, but the greater number 
fied for miles, the only result being that 306 foot-soldiers 
were trodden under foot. 

Towards the end of the period they were more largely 
employed as beasts of burden or as aids in the transport of 
heavy guns. Captain T. Williamson, ''Oriental Field Sports", 
43, says that when used for the latter purpose they were 
furnished with a thick leather pad, covering the forehead, 
to prevent their being injured. The same work has also one 
of the best early accounts of the Indian elephant, wild and 
domesticated. In time of peace, as a means of display, for 
riding on, for shooting from, they have continued to be 
largely used. Ranking, 13, tells us that Asaf-ud-Daulah, 
Nawab of Audh (1775—1797), kept considerably above 
1000 elephants merely for pleasure. Still the gradual decline 
of the elephant, even for purposes of state and show, is 
proved unmistakeably by a recent paragraph in the Indian 
papers ("Pioneer Mail", Sept. ^1^^ 1894, p. 2). The Govern- 
ment "howdah-khanah" has been broken up, there being 
only two to three hundred elephants on the roils all over 



ELEPHANTS. 181 

India, nearly all of which are maintained for heavy batte- 
ries; the equipment at Agrah has been sold off, only the 
vice-regal howdah of silver being kept. We have thus 
travelled far from the days when one of our early com- 
manders-in-chief, Colonel Richard Smith, ''reviewed his 
troops from the houdar (sic) of his elephant" (Carraccioli, 
"Clive", i, 133). 



CHAPTER XV. 



According to our European notions discipline was ex- 
tremely lax, if not entirely absent. Bernier, 55, tells us 
that when once thrown into confusion, it was impossible 
to restore a Moghul army's discipline, while during the 
march they moved without order, with the irregularity of 
a herd of animals ; and Europeans generally held the true 
cause of their dread of fire-arms, and particularly of artil- 
lery, to lie in the inexperience of their leading men, who 
never understood the advantage of discipline or the use of 
infantry (Cambridge, "War", Introduction, viii). 

Nobles while at headquarters were bound to appear twice 
a day, morning and evening, at the emperor's audience, 
and on this point they were strictly supervised. But there 
seems to have been no regular drill and no manoeuvres. 
From time to time they paraded their troops in the outer 
court during the time of public audience, and the state of 
the horses and elephants was then observed. Occasionally, but 
very rarely, there were special parades in the open ' ; these 
generally took place on the line of march, the emperor 
passing in review the troops of some particular commander, 
as he was making his march to his next camping ground. 
For instance, Datid Khan, Panni, thus paraded his troops 
before Bahadur Shah on the 26^^^ Ramazan 1120 h. (8*^1 
Dec. 1708), Banishmand Khan, entry of that date. 

^ These were the Mahallah ah^eady referred to, see ante, p. 46. The 
phrase in Khurasan was San dldan, see Mujmil ut-tdrlkh ha^d Nadirlyah, 
p. 81, hne 5. 



183 

Orgamzatio7i. There was no regimental organization; the 
only divisions known were those created by reason of each 
chief or noble having his own following of troops. Such 
words as tUman or tumandar have no strict or definite 
meaning. The first meant any body of soldiers, and the 
second the leader or head of such a body. Jama Mar is a 
word of the same signification and equally vague, though it 
may be taken as denoting a smaller man than a tumandar. 
Qas/mn is a word employed in the second half of the 
18*11 century, having been borrowed from the Durrani system, 
but I do not think it had a much more definite sense 
than the above words. In the dictionary, Steingass 971, 
Q^^s is defined as T., body, company, troop, army, soldier, 
military station. 

As for uniform, the only sign of it originally was 
a red turban worn by all in the imperial employ. For 
the great mass of the army there was usually no uni- 
formity of dress; but in a general way each class of 
troops dressed in a similar style, Persians in one way, 
Mughals in another, Hindustani Mahomedans could be 
distinguished from Rajputs, and so forth (Horn, 25). But 
such distinctions, though obvious at once to a practised eye, 
would take long to record, even if we knew sufficiently 
what they were. One Sabit Khan, at one time faujdar of 
^Aligarh, was famed as the introducer of a kind of attire 
for soldiers, which w^as called after him the sahit-khanl dress. 
There were, however, some few regiments clothed in uniform. 
For example, as early as Farrukhsiyar's reign the ''Surkh- 
poshari' (the Red Regiment) is spoken of. (Ijad's Farrukh- 
shali namali, fol. 27, line 3). And it would seem from a 
passage in the Sharaif-i-^usmam, p. 207, line 4, that in 
Muhammad Shah's time there were some regiments of 
body-guards clad alike, and known as the surkhposh, 
zardpos/i and siyahposlt, from the colour of their coats, red, 
yellow or black. These men carried gold or silver clubs 
{gathak). 



184 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

The Chaghatae origin of the ruling house and many of 
its officers was shown in the frequent occurrence of mili- 
tary terms from the language used in Central Asia. The 
emperor and many about the court spoke and understood 
the Chaghatae language so late as 1173 h. (1759-60), Seir, 
iii, 142; and Mustapha, id., iii, 400, note 63, tells us 
that up to the time he wrote (c. 1785), the word at Ian 
(Be mounted) was "carried round to the horse guards 
when the emperor is going to mount his elephant". (P. 
de C, 5, from oUi^j5, atlanmaq, to ride on horseback). 
Another instance of familiarity with Eastern Turkish is 
found in 1739, when Aghar Khan of the Aghar tribe, 
whose family had been settled in India over a hundred 
years, talked to Nadir Shah in that language, and even 
composed some verses in it, Ashob, foL 258<2. 

Punishments. For desertion to the enemy we read occa- 
sionally of men being blown from the mouth of a gun. 
In 1714 two Mina robbers were blown from guns by 
Husain 'All Khan, when on the march from Dihli to Ajmer. 
Again Haidar Qui! Khan, when commanding at the siege 
of Agrah in 1131 h. (1719), had recourse to this punish- 
ment with good effect, Siwrniih-i-khizrl (my copy). In the 
year 1174 h. (1760) the Mahrattahs blew away from guns 
two Mahomedan leaders taken prisoners by them at Kunj- 
purah, ''History of the Rohelas" by Rustam 'Ali, Bijnorl, 
fol. 51«. And in 1175 h. (30tli May 1762) the Mahrattah 
commander, Narti Pandit, blew two men from guns at 
Burhanpur, Mirat-us-Safa, ilQa. In the "Abrege Histo- 
rique" prepared by Colonel Gentil in 1772, (E. Blochet, 
"Inventaire et description des miniatures des Mss. orientaux 
conserves a la Bibliotheque Nationale", p. 202, N^ 219) 
there is a picture of a man tied to the mouth of a cannon. 
Horn deals with the subject of desertion on pp. 49 and 
51, but both of his references to Babar's memoirs, viz., 
P. de C. ii, (should be i) 325, and ii, 352, 353, seem to 
be cases of surrender. That to the Badshahaamalt i, 334, 



DISCIPLINE, DRTIJ., AND EXERCISES. 185 

is not a case of desertion at all. The garrison of Mansur- 
garli in Orissa (1049 h.) asked for quarter by holding 
blades of grass between their teeth. This is the well-known 
Indian custom of indicating submissiveness, see Elliot, 
"Supp. Gloss.", 252, s. v. Dant-tinka (teeth-straw), which 
is practised by villagers to this day. It is also said to have 
been resorted to by the Mahrattah horsemen at DihlT (Feb. 
1719), when they were overpowered in a street riot, Mlid 
Qasim, Lahori, ^ Ibratnmiah 244, my copy. Another in- 
stance is found in a book written c. 1147 h., gah dar 
dandan giriftah {AJnoal-i-khawaqln, fol. 2I7fl). 

Drill. There seems to have been no drill for soldiers, 
as such, and no training in combined movements of any 
sort. The individual, on the other hand, paid the minutest 
attention to the training of his body, and exercising him- 
self with all his weapons. For this there were the series 
of movements practised daily, known as kasarat. In 1791 
an English visitor to the Nizam's camp near Kadapah 
(Cuddapah) writes to the following effect, Ouseley, "Or. Coll", 
1795, i, 21 — 32, "the traces of order, discipline, and 
science are so faint as to be scarcely discernible, except in 
the outward appearance of the men, the management of 
their horses, and their dexterity in the use of the spear 
and sabre, which individually gives a martial air". He adds 
that the men exercise at home with dumb bells or heavy 
pieces of wood; and he also describes the kasarcd move- 
ments. There were in addition the clubs called mugdar, 
the chain bow or lezam, Egerton 147, 150-1, N^ 808, 
and single-stick play. In this last, a stick covered with a 
loose sheath of leather was held in one hand and a small 
round buckler in the other, Egerton, 148, quoting from 
Mundy (3rd ed. 1858, p. 165, 191, 310, 322). The stick 
is called gudka, gadka or gadga, a little club, from gada, 
a club (Shakes. 1689). An account will be found in Briggs, 
"Ferishta", iii, 207, of yak-ang-bazl, play with one single- 
stick or sword, and do-ang-bazl, with sword and shield, 



186 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

or two swords, one held in each hand. There were also 
wrestling bouts, which usually took place in the rainy 
season. For mounted men there were tent- pegging and 
shooting at bottles: and the archers had their daily shooting 
at an earthen mound or target. 

Sword'play. The swordsmen were exceedingly skilful and 
active; their attack and defence being accompanied by the 
wildest gestures, the most extraordinary leaps, and elabo- 
rate feints of every sort. Something of this may still be 
seen at any Muharram festival, where the most complicated 
evolutions and sweeping circular cuts are made with the 
straight gauntlet sword or patta. 

Burton, writing of Sindh in 1844, gives us a good 
picture of Indian single-stick and sword-play. The usual 
style of sword exercise in India is, he says, "Life", i, 119, 
with a kind of single-stick, ribbonded with list cloth up 
to the top, and a small shield in the left hand. The 
swordsman begins by "renowning it", vapouring, waving 
his blade, and showing all the curious fantasie that dis- 
tinguish a Spanish espada. Then, with the fiercest counte- 
nance, he begins to spring in the air, to jump from side 
to side, to crouch, and to rush forwards and backwards, 
with all the action of an excited baboon. They never 
thought of giving "point": throughout India the thrust is 
confined to the dagger. The cuts as a rule were only two, 
one on the shoulder and the other, in the vernacular called 
qalam \ at the lower legs. Nothing was easier than to 
guard these cuts and to administer a thrust that would 
have been fatal with steel. Colonel Blacker on the other 
hand, "War", 302, thought more highly of the native 
cutting stroke, it being the only one capable of penetrating 
the quilted jackets, or the many folds of cloth worn as turbans 
by Indians. The colonel held the opinion that the then 
Dragoon sword would not penetrate these, even by giving 
"point". He adds "the native practice not only requires a 

' Probably from qalam kardan, to lop or prune. 



DISCIPLINE, DRILL, AND EXERCISES. 187 

stiff wrist, but a stiff though not a straight elbow, for a 
cut that shall disable". 

Fitzclarence, 102, thus describes the charge made on the 
Sitabaldi hill by the Nagpur Rajah's Arabs on the 26^^ 
Nov. 1817. "Their manner of advancing was exceedingly 
imposing. Being perfectly undisciplined, they advanced in 
a crowd; the bravest being in advance and taking high 
bounds and turning two or three times round in the air, 
they rushed forward to the sound of small drums, accom- 
panied by the perpetual vociferation of the war-cry "Din ! 
Din! Muhammad!" This sounds at a distance like 'ding, 
ding', which is often used instead of the correct expression". 
As this represents what was, no doubt, the long-established 
mode of fighting on foot, I give it, in spite of its referring 
to a period after the fall of Moghul rule. 

Horsemanship. The cavalry had their horses trained to 
a sort of manege, where the horse was made to stand on 
its hind legs and then advance by bounds for a consider- 
able distance. This manoeuvre was resorted to in Bundel- 
khand whenever a man on horse- back attacked any one 
on an elephant. Once, when Muhammad Khan, Bangash, 
invaded Bundelkhand in 1727, he was thus attacked. As 
he writes in his report to the emperor: "1 drove my ele- 
phant straight into the thick of the enemy, where my men 
seemed to be struggling hopelessly against them. At this 
moment two of the enemy's horsemen, one after the other, 
rode their horses with the greatest boldness at my elephant, 
so that their forefeet were on the elephant. By God's aid 
they were, one after the other, dispatched by our arrows" 
(see the official report in Shakir Khan's Gulshan-i-sadiq, 
my copy). This caracolling is still adhered to by the 
cavalry in the Bundelkhand native states, as could be seen 
by those who witnessed the review of their troops at Agrah 
in 1876, in the presence of the then Prince of Wales. 

The Persians in the Moghul service did not think much 
of Indian horsemanship, judging from the following passage 



188 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

of an anonymous memoir written about the middle of the 
18^h century. ''As a rule the people of India do not know 
how to ride, and horsemanship is unknown in Hindustan. 
In addition, they use their utmost efforts to efface from 
horses all the qualities of the horse, and make it epileptic 
and mad. Their movements are not regulated by an intel- 
ligible principle, and it is impossible for them to be under 
the rider's control. I am a good rider and relying on my 
skill, I have often mounted Indian horses barebacked, in 
the belief that they would not be too much for me; and 
yet, when I have wanted to go east, they have carried me 
north, south, or west, and vice versa. If one wants to 
control the speed of the horse and make him travel at the 
speed one wishes, the beast either stands up on his hind 
legs or jibs, or hugs a wall till he crushes his rider or 
kills him in some other way. His paces are accompanied 
by jumps wholly unnatural". {Tankh-i-Farah Bakhsli, trans. 
W. Hoey, i, App. p. 7). ~~ 

In this connection the following passage, although written 
in 1844, is quite as applicable to the Indian Moghuls as 
if it had been written a century or two earlier. ''All nations 
seem to despise one another's riding, and none seem to 
know how much they have to learn. The Indian style has 
the merit of holding the horse well in hand, making him 
bound off at a touch of the heel, stopping him dead at a 
hand gallop, and wheeling him round on a pivot. The 
Hindu (Indian ?) will canter over a figure-of-eight, gradually 
diminishing the dimensions tell the animal leans over at 
an angle of 45°, and throwing himself over the off side 
and hanging down to the earth by the heel, will pick up 
sword or pistol from the ground". (Burton, "Life", i, 135). 
This is as favorable as the preceding extract was unfavorable. 
When doctors disagree, who shall decide? 

Mounting Guard. In time of peace the nobles took it in 
turn to mount guard with their troops at the palace gate. 
This was called chauh and the guard-house was the 



DISCIPLINE, DRILL, AND EXERCISES. 189 

chauJci-Hanah \ The rules will be found in the Ajn, i, 257. 
The duty lasted for twenty-four hours and recurred once 
a week. The relief took place every evening. There was 
also another division of the army into twelve parts, each 
of which mounted guard for one month. But 1 do not 
see how the two divisions, that into seven and that into 
twelve parts, are to be reconciled with each other. 

Hunting. The nearest approach to army manoeuvres was 
when the army or a division was ordered out to take part 
in a royal hunt. This subject is touched on by Horn, 69. 
One branch of the army combined two functions; in peace 
they were huntsmen, in war, skirmishers. These were the 
Qarawal, with the Qarawal Begl, or Chief Huntsman, at 
their head ^. Horn, 69, refers to two descriptions of a 
royal hunt, namely, Budauni, iii, 92, and Erskine, "History", 
ii, 286. I add another from Anand Ram, Mirat-ul-Istilah, 
fol. 184fl. ShiJcar-i-qamrghdh (or qamrc/ah), also shikar-i- 
jargah, is called in Hindi Iiata-jorl \ For this hunt a king 
gives orders, through his huntsmen {qarawal), to his gover- 
nors and the zamindars and cultivators (ryots) to surround 
a wide space full of game. This was closed in on daily 
till the area was very small. Then the ruler and his friends 
arrived, entered the enclosed space, and hunted the game. 
As this was a privilege {jquruq) of kings, no one else, not 
even a great noble, was allow^ed to practise it. This method 
was also followed in Iran; in India it was given up after 
the middle of ^Alamgir's reign. 

1 Steingass, 402, chauki^ H. a raised seat, chair; a guard; a place for 
collecting customs; a watchhouse. J. Shakes. 507, chauk, a market, a 
city square; a court yard. 

2 Steingass, 962, a sentinel, watchman, spy, guard; the vanguard, a 
gamekeeper, a hunter. 

» Kamrg_hah, Steingass, 988, the hunting ring formed to enclose the 
game in the grand royal chase. Id, 360, jargah, a circle or ring of men 
or beasts. Hatna, H. to drive back, jorna, to collect, therefore hata-jorl^ 
a drive of game. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

ARMY IN THE FIELD. 

Having sprung from a Central Asian nomad horde, the 
early chiefs of Taimur's race were perpetually on the move, 
accompanied by their army. This traditional habit was 
maintained in India by the earlier and more active em- 
perors of that house \ From Babar to Bahadur Shah, they 
were seldom long in one place, and the greater part of 
their life was passed under canvas. For example, during 
the five years of his reign Bahadur Shah never slept in 
any building, and did not enter one in the day time on 
more than one or two occasions. From this habit it resulted 
that the empire had never had a fixed capital, the only 
capital was the place at which the sovereign might happen 
to be 2, and as a consequence, the whole apparatus of 
government was carried wherever the emperor went. Ail 
the great officers of state followed him, and all the im- 
perial records moved with them. Thus a Moghul army, 
where the emperor was present, was weighted with the 
three-fold impedimenta of an army, a court, and a civil 
executive. It is thus easy to account for the immense size 
to which their camps gradually extended. 

Mir Manzil. To preserve order in the audience-hall and 
its approaches, and to regulate the access of the public 
thereto, there were a number of guards {yasaioal), at whose 

1 The original nomadic habits of the royal house are betokened by 
the singular habit, that the wives of the emperors were delivered lying 
upon a saddle-cloth. The authority for this is found in a letter said to have 
been written in 1137 H. by Nizam-ul-Mulk to Muhammad Shah ("Asiatic 
Misc." i, 490). 

* Or as the Romans said, "Ubi Imperator, ibi Roma". 



ARMY IN THE FIELD. 191 

head were several officers styled Mn Tuzak (literally, Lords 
of Arrangement). The first of these officials was one of the 
great officers of State, and it was his duty when the court 
was on the march, to fix the route, to decide on the marches, 
and to proceed ahead, select a place for encampment, and 
lay out the site of the various camps and the lines of shops 
{bazar). When carrying out these duties, the first Mir Ttizak 
was more commonly known as Mir Manzil, Lord of the 
Stages. 

Transport. The means of transport, consisting of elephants, 
camels, pack-ponies, bullocks, bullock-carts and porters, were 
only provided officially for the imperial tents and establish- 
ments; every one else was left to make his own arrange- 
ments. Each soldier did his best for himself. The baggage 
was known as bahlr o hangah ox 'part dl. In Ashob, fol. 265«, 
we find Partdl used for the means of transporting, instead 
of for the baggage itself: P artdl-i-aksare-i-eshdn shut ar an- 
i-Bakhtl-i-asil loa khdtirhde, yanl usfiturhde katai^-i-khush- 
jins'i- Wildyatl. Bakhtl is the large, two-humped or Bactrian 
camel. 

Commissariat. In an Indian army the commissariat was 
left very much to take care of itself. The imperial kitchen 
fed a certain number of palace servants and some armed 
guards, matchlock men, and artificers. There was also a 
charitable kitchen kept up, at the emperor's expense, and 
called the Langarkhanah. In the same way, a chief distri- 
buted cooked food to the men more especially attached to 
his person. Outside these limited circles, every man was 
left to provide for himself, buying from day to day enough 
for his daily wants from the numerous dealers, or hanyas, 
who followed the army. These men's huts or shops were 
erected in long double lines, so as to form temporary streets. 
These were the so-called bazars or markets (Bernier, 381). 
Each great leader had his own bazars, and in these were 
to be found not only dealers in grain, but merchants and 
artificers of every sort and kind. 



192 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Banjara or Birinjara. The suppliesof grain were brought 
in on the backs of bullocks by the wandering dealers known 
as Banjarahs or Brinjarahs. There are two derivations alleged 
for this word, 1) H. bnnij, trade, plus the affix ctrah, de- 
noting a doer or agent (Steingass, 201), and 2) P. birinj, 
rice, ar, am, the root of dwardan, to bring (Steingass, 179). 
Eitzclarence, 93, says "It is by these people that the Indian 
armies in the field are fed, and they are never injured by 
either army. The grain is taken from them, but invariably 
paid for. They encamp for safety every evening in a regular 
square formed of the bags of grain, of which they construct 
a breastwork. They and their families are in the centre and 
the oxen are made fast outside. Guards with matchlocks and 
spears are placed at the corners, and their dogs do duty 
as advanced posts. I have seen them with droves of 50,000 
bullocks. They do not move above two miles an hour, as 
the cattle are allowed to graze as they proceed on the 
march". On these men, see also Thorn, 85, E. Moor, 131, 
and M. Wilks, iii, 209. 

Fodder. The grass for the horses was provided, as it still 
is, by sending men out to gather it. If they had a pony, 
the grass was loaded on it and brought in ; if not, it was 
carried in on the man's head (Cambridge, "War", Introd. 
vi). These men were either engaged as servants by the 
troopers or worked on their own account, (Bernier, 381). 
With an active enemy about, these followers were often 
cut off, or even frightened into not going out at all. 
Camels were, of course, sent out to pick up what they 
could in the country round the camp (idem). These, too, 
were often raided by the enemy. 

Foraging. In addition to those brought in by traders, 
supplies were also added to by raiding and plundering in 
the country through which the army marched. Even in the 
best time of the monarchy and under the strictest com- 
manders, the course of an army was marked by desolation. 
These was great destruction of growing coops when the 



ARMY IN THE FIELD. 193 

army passed through a fairly cultivated country. Compen- 
sation under the name of paemcllt, "foot-treading", was 
certainly allowed, according to the rules, in the shape of 
a remission of revenue on the land injured, but this must 
have been a very incomplete indemnification for the loss 
of the crop. 

Scarcity and other sufferings. An army supplied in the 
way indicated above was peculiarly liable to have its sup- 
plies cut off; then followed at once scarcity, high prices, 
and if the stoppage continued, death from starvation. 
Mention of these difficulties is seldom absent long from the 
pages of native historians. Great heat and want of water 
were also frequent grounds of complaint, and from one 
who went through the march of A^zam Shah from Gwa- 
liyar to Dholpur in June 1707, escapes the bitter cry, 
"May God Omnipotent never subject even my enemy to 
such a day as we then passed through" {Ahioal-i-khawaqin, 
fol. \\a). Again in Bahadur Shah's operations against the 
Sikh leader, Bandah, in December 1710, he was much 
hampered by the heavy rain and the intense cold, many 
of the transport animals being lost. A graphic picture of 
campaigning difficulties, even in the case of a force which 
was finally victorious, is given by KhafT Khan, ii, 888. 
Nizam-ul-mulk on his way in July 1720 to attack ^Alim 
^Aii Khan, governor of Aurangabad, passed several days 
in extreme discomfort, exposed to incessant rain and in 
the middle of deep black mud. The constant rain and the 
swollen streams stopped all supplies, the Mahrattas plun- 
dered close round the camp, not an animal could be sent 
out or brought in. For many days the only food of the 
cattle was the pounded leaves and young shoots of trees; 
"the smell even of grass or corn did not reach the four- 
footed animals", and many of them, standing up to their 
shoulders in mud, starved to death. One rupee would only 
buy 2 to 4 lbs. of flour. Referring to a century earlier. 
Sir Thomas Roe, as quoted by Cambridge, "War", Introd. 

13 



194 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

vii, gives a very lifelike description of the sufferings of a 
march through woods and over mountains. 

Flight of Inhabitants, Colonel Wilks, i, 308, note, speaking 
of the south of India, says the inhabitants of a country 
deserted their homes for the hills and woods upon the 
approach of an invader, taking with them whatever food 
they could carry, and often perishing of want. Such an 
exodus was not unknown in Northern India, as for instance, 
when the Sikhs first rose in 17 JO, and invaded the Upper 
Jamnah-Ganges duabah and the country north and east 
of Lahor, the inhabitants, especially the Mahomedans, fled 
at their approach. More usually, however, the peasants 
continued with tranquil unconcern to plough, sow, or reap 
within a stone's throw of a raging battle. Like true sons 
of the East, they "bowed low before the blast" and "let 
the legions thunder past". What had they to hope or fear 
from defeat or victory? 



CHAPTER XVII. 

CAMPS AND CAMP EQUIPAGE. 

Each soldier seems to have had the shelter of a tent, 
even if it consisted only of a cotton cloth raised on two 
sticks. The kinds of tents were numerous, from the rautl, 
a mere low awning, up to the huge imperial tents. The 
Ayn, i, 54, names twelve different kinds of tents. I have 
just spoken of one of these, the Uautl, and of another, 
the Guldlbar, not a tent but an enclosure, I shall speak 
further on. The sarapardah W. 11 also is a screen and 
not a tent. From a perusal of the passage referred to, coupled 
with plates x and xi, it is fairly easy to understand what 
each of these tents was like. The Shamiyanah^ N". 9, is still 
known and in common use; the name may be from sham, 
evening, that is an awning for use in the evening, or from 
shamah (Steingass, 725), a veil. The khargah, N". 8, (Stein- 
gass, 456) are spoken of by Bernier, 359, note 4, and 362, 
where he says they are folding tents with one or two doors, 
and made in various ways; he calls them "cabinets", and 
leads us to infer that they were set up inside the large 
tents. The emperor and the great nobles were provided 
with tents in duplicate, one set being sent on to the next 
camping ground while the other set was in use (Bernier, 
359). The tents thus sent on were knov/n as the pesh- 
khanah (literally "advance-house"). 

Camp, description of. The laying out of the emperor's 
camp, a plan continued to the last, is described in the 
Ajn, i, 47, and is shown with more detail in plate iv. In 
the centre was the imperial enclosure of canvas screens 



196 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

]530 yards long, and about one fifth of that distance in 
breadth. It was divided across in its length into four courts. 
Over the entrance, which faced in the direction of the next 
inarch, was the drum-house (naqar-khanah), in the second 
court was the audience tent, in the third a more private 
hall, and in the fourth the sleeping tents. Behind was a 
place for Akbar's mother, while outside and still more to 
the rear were the women's apartments, surrounded on all 
four sides by guards. Along the outside of the enclosure 
were ranged on each side the kdrhhanahs, or departments 
of the household and arsenal, about ten tents on each side. 
Still farther away and towards each corner, the tents of 
the guards were erected. Outside the gate of the enclosure 
were the elephants and horses with their establishments on 
one side; and the records, the carts and litters, the general 
of artillery, and the hunting leopards on the other. A des- 
cription of Jahangir's camp will be found in Cambridge, 
"War", Introd. v, who quotes it from Sir Thomas Roe's 
journal, the chief impression produced on the ambassador's 
mind being that of immense size. 

A good account of the mode of pitching an imperial 
camp is to be found in Bernier, 360, 361. First of all the 
Mir Manzil selected a fit spot for the emperor's tents. 
This was a square enclosure 300 paces each way. The 
whole of this was surrounded by screens {qanat), seven or 
eight feet high, secured by cords to pegs and stayed by 
poles fixed at an angle, one inside and one outside, at 
every ten paces. The entrance was in the centre of one of 
the sides. On each side of the gate (Bernier, 363) were 
two handsome tents, where were kept a number of horses 
ready saddled and caparisoned ^ In front of the entrance 
was a clear space, at the end of which stood the naqar 
khanah, or station for the drums, trumpets and cymbals. 
Close to it was the chauki-hhanah , or tent of the officer 
on guard for the day. 

* This is, no doubt, what we read of so often under the name of the Ji7ai<. 



CAMPS ANI) CAMP EQUIPAGE. 197 

Round the enclosure were the imperial bazars, through 
which a street led from the gate in the direction of the 
next day's march, marked out by long poles, which were 
surmounted by yak tails and placed at 300 paces from each 
other. The princes and great nobles pitched their camps 
at various distances, sometimes of several miles, from the 
emperor's tents. Each was surrounded by the tents of his 
men and his own bazar, the only order observed being 
that the chief's tents must face towards the imperial Public 
Audience-hall (Bernier, 366). Bernier estimates, 367, that 
where there was ample space for spreading, ^Alamgir's 
whole camp would have measured about six miles in cir- 
cumference. The bazars were marked out (Bernier, 365) 
by long poles surmounted, as already said, by the tails of 
the great Tibet cow "which have the appearance of so 
many periwigs". 

The camp is thus described by Catrou, French ed., 4*0, 
p. 128, 12^^, iv, 40, 57, possibly borrowing from Bernier, 
although he professes to have the Venetian, Manucci, as 
his authority : "The camp where this numerous army rested 
was laid out daily in the same manner, so far as the 
nature of the ground permitted. A great enclosure was 
roped off of square shape, and this was surrounded by a 
deep ditch. The heavy artillery was ranged from distance 
to distance and defended the approaches. The emperor's 
palace was placed in the centre of the camp. This also 
was square in shape and the light artillery was disposed 
all round it. The tents of the generals, of a much less 
height than those of the emperor, were pitched in the 
different quarters of the camp. The sutlers and traders of 
all sorts had streets assigned to them. To sum up it may 
be said that Aurangzeb dragged in his train a travelling 
city as large and as peopled as his capital". 

Some of the tents were of an enormous size. These was 
one made by order of Shahjahan which bore the name of 
Dil'badil (Generous Heart). When Bahadur Shah ordered 



198 THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

this tent to be erected at Lahor in the year 1711, five 
hundred tent-pitchers and carpenters were employed for one 
month in putting it up, and in so doing several persons 
were killed {Mirat-ul-Istilah, 218^). Kamwar Khan, entry 
of 4th Sha'ban 1123 h* (16th Sept. 1711), sayTthis tent 
cost 50,000 rupees. A later writer, Seir, i, 25, note 32, 
says the emperor's camp was about one and a quarter 
miles in circuit, it contained one hundred and twenty tents, 
some of them big enough for several hundreds of men, 
and the largest might admit two thousand or three thou- 
sand. All this was surrounded by a qanat, or wall of cloth 
six feet high, outside which is a paling which surrounds 
the whole : and it is betwixt these two enclosures that live 
the guards. Further off, there is another paling, and here, 
too, in the intermediate space reside guards and people 
attached to the imperial household, such as chairmen, 
watermen, or taper-bearers. See also Cambridge, "War", 
In trod. V, for an account of Nasir Jang's camp in 1750, 
over twenty miles in circumference. There is also a good 
description of a native camp in Wilks, i, 292, referring to 
the year 1752, where he tells us of the motley collection 
of cover, from superb tents down to ragged blankets; tents 
and animals all intermixed ; the only mark of order being 
the flags set up by each chief, the only regularly laid out 
lines being those of the traders' booths or shops. 

Colour of tents. The tents of the emperor,* his sons, and 
grandsons were of a red cloth, called kharwah, a stout 
canvas-like cotton cloth, dyed red with the root of the al 
plant. Round the emperor's tents was the enclosure called 
the gulalhar. Some of the great nobles such as the vice- 
gerent (loahl-i-mutlaq) or the chief minister, {Jamdat-ul- 
mulk) were allowed patapatl or striped tents, one red stripe 
and one white stripe alternately. Patl is h. for a strip 
of anything, {Mirat-ul-Istilah, fol. 275 and Bernier, 366). 
The latter writer on p. 362 seems to imply that the imperial 
tents also were striped outside, but as his phrase is "or- 



CAMPS AND CAMP EQUIPAGE. 199 

namented with stripes", perhaps the two statements are 
not absolutely conflicting. 

Gulalbar. The name of the screen which Bernier speaks 
of as being put up round the emperor's tents was the 
Gulalbar. It is mentioned in the Ajn, i, 45, 54, but a 
fuller description will not be out of place, since the word 
frequently appears in histories, and it is well to have a 
definite idea of what is meant. Gulal in Hindi means "red" 
and bar, "anything in the nature of a wall which prevents 
entrance or passage through it". Thus the whole word is 
equivalent to "Red Wall". Before Akbar's time the tents 
of the Gurgani kings were surrounded by a rope called 
the ia7idb-i-qUruq (lit. "the rope of hindrance"). In Akbar's 
reign the gulalbar was devised. It was formed out of 
bambus coloured red and held together by leather straps 
like a net- work {jail), and so made that it might be ex- 
tended or gathered up at will. Its height was three gaz, 
or about eight feet, and it had two gateways to the front 
and one on the side where the harem tents stood. This 
screen was erected round the imperial tents, which were 
styled collectively the Daulat-khanah (literally. Abode of 
Prosperity). Outside it a ditch was dug, and red flags, an 
attribute of sovereignty, were displayed on poles {Mirat- 
ul-Istilah, fol. 203«). 

Jail. The word jail is similarly met with in reference 
to the precincts of the emperor's tent. The derivation is 
from H. jcil, a net, and it means lattice, grating, network. 
From the passage quoted in the last paragraph and another 
in the same book, we see that this network {jail) was 
the gulalbar under another name. But a European observer, 
who probably had seen an emperor's camp, says the gulalbar 
was the outer paling fifty yards from the qanats, or cloth 
screens seven feet high, which enclosed the emperor's tents 
{Seir, i, 159, note 120). For gulalbar Khushhal Chand in 
one place, Berlin Ms. 495, fol. 1010^, uses salabat-bar 
"majestic-enclosure": and Ashob, fol. 196^, claims it as 



200 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

the invention of Salabat Khan ^ Mir Atash to ^Alamgir, 
gulal-barah being nothing more than a popular name. 
Ashob gives a minute description of its construction; this 
differs in details from that of x^nand Ram given above. 
The tents of princes continued to be protected by the old 
device of a rope, which still bore the name of tandb-i-quruq, 
or rope of prohibition {Mirat-ul-I.). 

Bahkalah-bar. This word is literally rahkalah^ field-piece, 
plus bar, enclosure. It was the park of artillery arranged 
at the entrance of the imperial quarters, or round them, as 
a protection against attack. The quarters of the Mir Atash 
were at the imperial gateway (Danish mand Khan, entry 
of 4th Zai Hijjah 1119 h., and Bernier, 363)7 

Rarem women with armies (Horn, 57). On all campaigns 
a harem of women with their attendants seems to have 
accompanied the emperor and the chief men. On the day 
of battle these women were put on elephants and carefully 
guarded by the force forming the rear guard, which was 
posted at some distance behind the centre, where stood 
the emperor or other chief commander. Many references 
might be quoted in illustration of this statement. The 
habit of being followed by a harem might be justified in 
cases where the camp was the only home, for perhaps years 
at a time. But the practice was the same even on short 
campaigns. For instance, the redoutable GhazT-ud-din Khan, 
^Imad-ul-mulk, who became wazir at sixteen years of age and 
had deposed two emperors before he was five and twenty, 
was born in his maternal grandfather, Qamr-ud-din Khan's, 
camp. This noble, who was Muhammad Shah's wazir, was 
then on his way to Malwah on an expedition against the 

1 According to the Ma^asir-iil-umara. ii, 742, Khwajah Mir, Khwafi, 
(Salabat Khan) was made Mir Atash in the 23rt^ year of '^Alamgir, then 
removed, but reappointed in the 25tii year; he died in 1103 h. (the 36*^ 
year). The Tarlkh-i-Muhammadi says he died in 1104 h. Neither the 
Ma^asir-ul-umara nor the Ma^asir-i-^Alamglrl makes any mention of his 
having invented the gulalbar. 



CAMPS AND CAMP EQUIPAGE. 201 

Mahrattas. Wilks, ii, 38, writes as if it were a peculiar 
weakness of the particular noble, that the Nizam of Hai- 
darabad was in 1768 "accompanied in the field by his 
favourite wives". But in so doing Nizam 'All was only 
following the usual practice of Moghul commanders. 



CHAPTER XVIIT. 

ON THE MARCH. 

When an army or the emperor first took the field, there 
were generally great difficulties and delays in making a 
start. Nothing was ever ready when wanted ; and if a great 
noble was put in command, he had always some further 
petition to urge or objection to make before he could be 
persuaded to start. Then there were the astrologers to be 
consulted. No march began until the lucky moment {saat- 
i-sald) had been fixed by reading the stars. If it were not 
possible to make a real departure on the proper day or at 
the proper time, the advance tents would be sent out and 
a pretended start would be made in the hope of cheating 
the Eates {Seir, i, 309, note 248). In all cases, however, 
the first march out was a very short one, in order that 
stragglers might have time to join and anything left behind 
might be sent for. This regard for lucky and unlucky days 
was a great obstacle to the Moguls' success in war, as it often 
prevented them from taking the most obvious advantages 
of an enemy (Cambridge, "War", Introd. xi). 

Emperor s taking the field in person. The emperor was 
not supposed to take the personal command unless the 
army was large and the campaign important (Horn, 46 
relying on the Tuzuk-i-Taimuri). Thus, when Bahadur Shah 
in 1710 headed the army sent against the Sikh, Bandah, 
he was blamed for meeting an antagonist unworthy of him. 
On the way it was usual to pay visits to holy men of 
repute in order to obtain their blessing; and the shrines 
of any noted saints situated near the line of march were 



ON THE MARCH. 203 

perambulated and the saint's help implored. Thus Shah ^Alam 
Bahadur Shah when on his way to fight his brother, offered 
up prayers at the tombs of Qutb-ud-din and Nizam-ud-din 
Auliya at Dihll. In the same way Farrukhsiyar, marching 
up from Patnah to Agrah, prayed at the tombs of Taki- 
ud-din ut JhusT, of Badf ud-dln at Korah, and of Shah 
Madar at Makhanpur. Another curious practice is described 
by Yaliya Khan, 1295. He says that when in 1721, Prince 
Muhammad Ibrahim was raised to the throne and was 
about to start against Muhammad Shah, he was taken, in 
accordance with an old custom, to Qutb-ud-din's shrine, to 
have his turban wound round his head there, and a sword 
attached to his waist. Then a bow with its string loosened 
ought to have been placed near the tomb. If the string of 
itself resumed its place, this would be held a sign of 
victory. On this occasion, such was the uproar and con- 
fusion, the order to bring the bow was not carried out. 

Description of an army on the march. Catrou, Vl^^ ed. 
1715, iv, 49 — 57, or 4to edition p. 126, gives us the fol- 
lowing picture of a march of the emperor Aurangzeb. The 
heavy artillery went first and formed as it were the ad- 
vance guard. The baggage followed in good order. First 
came the camels bearing the imperial treasure, one hundred 
loaded with gold and two hundred with silver coin. The 
load of each did not exceed 500 lbs. The treasure was 
succeeded by the hunting establishment. There were a great 
many dogs used for coursing deer and numerous "taureaux" ^ 
for hunting tigers. Next came the official records. It is 
the practice of the Moghul empire for these never to be 
separated from the emperor. The accounts and other archives 
of the empire were carried on eighty camels, thirty elephants 

1 This must surely be a mistake; perhaps leopards (chitah) are meant 
or buffaloes for fighting with tigers. But the original Portuguese text of 
Manucci, Berlin Ms., Phillipps 1945, p. 47, says nothing about bulls. The 
sentence reads : "One hundred and fifty camels loaded with nets (redes) for 
hunting tigers, of which sport I have already spoken". For the use of 
these nets, see Constable's Bernier, p. 378. 



204 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

and twenty carts. Immediately behind these came fifty 
camels carrying water for the court and the princes. This 
is a necessary precaution in Indian travelling, you are 
often in a waterless country or the water, speaking gene- 
rally, is stagnant and unwholesome. Behind these camels 
came the imperial kitchen and fifty camels with the pro- 
visions for the day. There were fifty cows to give milk, 
as Aurangzeb chiefly lived on milk. One hundred kitchen 
servants riding on horses followed. Each man prepared one 

particular sort of stew Next was the wardrobe of the 

emperor and the harem, and for this fifty camels and one 
hundred carts sufficed. Thirty elephants bore the harem 
jewels and the store of swords and daggers, from which 
the emperor makes presents to his generals. In front of 
the baggage train and the artillery two thousand pioneers 
marched with spades ready to smooth the ground. There 
were other thousand who followed to repair any holes made 
by the camels or elephants. 

The army came after the baggage. It was composed 
almost entirely of cavalry. As for the infantry it is made 
up in case of need from the numerous sutlers, traders, 
and servants that follow the army. These are armed only 
with the sword, spear and shield. After the cavalry came 
the emperor, followed by his seraglio. Ordinarily he rode 
an elephant. On the back of this great animal, they had 
built a room with glass windows, in which was a couch 
and a bed. By the side of the elephant were palankins 
all ready for use should .the emperor wish to change his 
mode of conveyance. His elephant was followed by led 
horses. Aurangzeb was fond of riding and at a considerably 
advanced age he was still the best rider in his empire. 
Some camels preceded the emperor bearing some large 
cooking-pots always steaming, perfuming the air as they 
went by. Forming the two wings on the two sides of the 
emperor's elephants, marched in good order the whole of 
the imperial guard. The queens, princesses, and ladies of 



ON THE MARCH. 205 

the harem followed the emperor. They were carried, as he 
was, on elephants, but the room which contained them was 
surrounded with wooden blinds [jalousies) covered over with 
loose, thin muslin. They saw all and could breathe the 
air without being seen. The other women who worked in 
the harem were on horseback, wrapped in long mantles 
covering their faces and reaching to their feet. The line of 
march was brought up by the light artillery, each field 
piece on its carriage being drawn by horses. 

The rear guard was swollen by the prodigious number 
of people always at the Court, and the innumerable mul- 
titude of servants leading elephants, camels, horses, and 
those carrying the tents and baggage of the lords of the 
court and the generals of the army. All moved in order 
and without confusion. This rear guard had its place al- 
lotted as exactly as the disciplined troops. 

Standards. The flag of the noble or sovereign was car- 
ried on an elephant during the march (De la Flotte, i, 258 
Fitzclarence, 138). These was a special officer entrusted 
with the insignia and standards. Of these some account 
has been given under the head of Mansabddrs. Collectively 
they were called the qUr, an Indian usage of the Turkish 
word which is not given among the definitions in P. de 
Courteille, "Diet." 425. The officer's title was QUrbegt, 
lord of the Qur\ and the men under him carried a supply 
of weapons for the emperor's use. The details, as they 
stood under Akbar, will be seen in the Ajn, i, 109, 110. 
Bernier, 371, speaks of the qur (or as he spells it, cours) 
preceding the emperor on the march: these standards and 
emblems were surrounded by a large number of players on 
cymbals and trumpets. 

The following graphic description of an emperor on the 
march with music playing and standards displayed is found 
in a Hindi poem by Shridhar Murlldhar of Allahabad, 
lines 355—376: 



206 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Phajir 8hahanshdh sajeu, 

JSakal brind gayand gajeu, 
Bajl nauhate gahgahi tab, 

Bhai naubat rawarl ab, 
Ghor dhamisd dhuni dhakdrat, 

''Phateh, pliateir , manu pukdrat, 
^^ Ho'hu-Iio' karandi bdjat^ 

8hdhanshdh-hi sagun 8djat, 
Sagun son siirandi bdjl, 

Siddhi rdm karlju sdjl, 
"Jhdru-jhdrun' jhdnjh jhankat, 

Khanan Idgi-hi g limit ''khanakh'kat'\ 
Phil tvdr nishdn jliaharat, 

Man-hu agd phatuli phaharat, 
At pair anup rdjat, 

Indr syon prabhu tdbi rdjat, 
Jhdlarl muku tdsu lachhak, 

Man-hu tdrd chhatr rachhak, 
Aphtdb blhds ken kar, 

Man-hu rakhshak sang dini ar, 
Tog sundar mdha mdhl^ 

Sagun kl manu det gwdhl. 

Next morning the King of Kings started, 

The throng of elephants roared, 
The royal march was beaten loudly, 

Then played the music of His Majesty, 
The big drums shook with mutterings and growlings, 

Men shouted 'Victory! Victory!', 
The trumpets brayed 'ho-hu-ho'. 

The King of Kings' good omens appeared. 
The hautboys sounded happy augury, 

Rama and the sages joined the throng. 
'Clash, clash' clanged the cymbals, 

Jingling bells began their 'tinkle, tinkle', 
The elephant riders displayed their standards, 

In front ran men shouting 'Victory!' 



ON THE MARCH. 207 

Everywhere incomparable brightness reigns, 

The splendour is that of Indra's heaven, 
Fringes hang over their faces,. 

Guardians of stars and umbrellas, 
Sun screens waving in their hands. 

Hearts full of joy, they shout for the Faith, 
Yaktails, sundar, the fish dignity. 

Give evidence of happy augury. 

Military Music and the Naubat. The beating of drums, 
accompanied by the playing of cymbals and the blowing 
of trumpets, at certain fixed intervals {naubat), was one of 
the attributes of sovereignty. The place where the instru- 
ments were stationed, generally at or over a gateway, was 
the naubat or naqqar khanah, the latter name coming from 
naqqarah, one kind of drum used. Details will be seen in 
the Ain, i, 51. As I read that passage, there would seem 
to have been nine naubat in the twenty four hours, but 
generally they are spoken of as recurring at the end of 
each of the eight watches {pahr) into which that period 
was divided. The number is differently stated by different 
writers. Haji Mustapha, Seir, i, 3 note 31, after saying 
that in its origin this music was a mark of sovereignty, 
though later usurped by all provincial governors, goes on, 
"It played four times by day and once by night, and also 
to announce good news". Others speak of only three ^«w6r/^. 
Fitzclarence, 192, writes "the continual beating of the 
naubat, or great drums, is one of the highest signs of rank 
and power; over the gate of every palace is a gallery or 
balcony where this noisy instrument is beaten at certain 
hours in the day and night. One of them (i. e. a drum) 
is always carried on an elephant before the commander of 
a native army. At Murshidabad, when I was there, the 
Nawab had them continually beaten. Four gates to his 
palace had each a naubat, and each of them sounded a 
quarter of each hour and made the most horrid din ima- 



208 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

ginable". As to the beating of kettle drums on the march 
there is a passage to the same effect in Captain J. Wil- 
liamson "Oriental Field Sports", p. 79. 

In addition to the fixed periods at which the imperial 
drums were beaten and the music played, it would seem 
that music and drum beating accompanied the march of 
the emperor (Fitzclarence, 138). The intention to make a 
march was announced by the beating of kettle drums, as 
was done for instance by Prince 'Ala Gohar in 1171 h., 
Tankh-i- Alamgir Sam, fol. 1555. Or as Manucci asserts, 
ii, 68, a trumpet was sounded for the same purpose. If 
the emperor were not present, the commander, if entitled 
to this high honour, caused his own drums to be beaten, 
and as Horn, 17, remarks, the sound of these drums was 
a sign that some great noble was in commatid and that 
probably the army under him was a large one. The drums 
were also beaten at the opening of a battle. We are told 
by one writer of the year 1169 h. (1756), Tanhh-i- Almnglr 
Sanl, fol. 49^, that a horn was blown at night in the 
emperor's camp to indicate a halt for the next day. We 
read of one noble who kept in his service one hundred 
horn-blowers {Jcarranctl), so that when a fight was trembling 
in the balance, they should all blow together and inspire 
the other side with dread. [Majasir-ul-umara, i, 514). 
After a battle the drums and trumpets were also employed 
by the victors to announce their victory; and even on 
ordinary occasions a noble was preceded by music. In 1757 
iVnquetil Duperron, Zend Avesta, i, xliv, after being pre- 
sented to Siraj-ud-daulah, speaks of the Nawab coming out 
to visit the mint, and "nous entendimes un bruit affreux 
de tymbales, de trompettes, entremele de coups de fusils 
et de cailletoques". This picture taken on the spot must 
represent, as I take it, the usual practice. 

The kettle drums {7iaqqarali) were made of iron hoops, 
and they were twice as big as those used by cavalry in 
Europe {Seir, i, 24, note 31). One of the drums used was 



ON THE MARCH. 209 

called Bankah, a small wooden drum, no doubt identical 
with i^^n-, Shak. 1129, a bass kettledrum, in size between 
the naqqarah and the laJwra, or as Q.anoone Islam, App. 
p. Iv, has it, the bass end of the small kettle-drum. De 
la Flotte, 211, compares the sound of their trumpets 
{(rom.pettes), ten or twelve feet long, to that of a French 
cowherd's goathorn, only louder; and G. Careri iii, 182, 
speaks of seeing a man walking in front of the camp 
Provost Marshal {kotwal), blowing a copper horn 8 ''palmes" 
in length, the sound of which made him laugh, "il res- 
semble tout a fait a celui que les porchers font en Italic 
lorsqu'ils veulent rassembler leurs cochons egares". 

Patrolling and Watching. At night time some troops were 
sent out to march round the camp and protect it. The 
name of these detachments was tildyah {Mirat-ul-Istilah, 
fol. 202^, Steingass, 817). In 1151 h. (1738) when" Mu- 
hammad Shah marched out to Karnal to oppose the advance 
of Nadir Shah, these night rounds or patrols were apparently 
still carried out; Ashob, fol. 1826 calls them shah-gar d, 
which seems the correct technical name, Steingass 732. 
He uses tali alt, fol. 182«, for advanced posts or pickets, 
which seems the more exact meaning of that word, Steingass 
819. The same form, taltah, is used c. 1169 h. (1755-6) by 
Muhammad ^AlT, Burhanpuri, in his Mirat-us-safa, fol. 99«. 
As for the care of the interior of the camp, Bernier, 369, 
describes the system of watch and ward then prevailing. 
His watchmen with their cries of khabardar (Take care), 
the guards at their watch fires every five hundred paces 
round the camp, and the kotwal with his armed men and 
their trumpet, were better fitted to prevent thieves and 
robbers entering the camp than to act as military pre- 
cautions against surprize. In later times even these im- 
perfect precautions seem to have been abandoned. In the 
18^^ century it was found that, often as native troops had 
been surprized in the night by Europeans, they could never 
be brought to establish order and vigilance in their camp. 

14 



210 THE ARMY OF THE ~TNDTAN MOGHULS. 

When they acted as allies of the English, the most earnest 
entreaty could never prevail upon them to be upon their 
guard, or quit their ground in the morning to take part 
in a surprize. The men ate a heavy meal just after night 
fall, many indulged also in drugs, and about midnight a 
whole army would be in a dead sleep (Cambridge, "War", 
Introd. xiii). In the police of the camp the provost-marshal, 
or kofwcil, was aided by a censor, or muhtasib, whose 
special duty (usually very imperfectly performed) was to 
suppress gambling, drinking, and other breaches of the 
Mahomedan law. 

Escort. The name used for this duty was badraqah 
(Steingass, 163). 

Etrfperors conveyance and usages on his passing hy. Shah 
'Alam Bahadur Shah (1707—1712) generally travelled his 
stages on a moving throne [tahht-i-rawan). It is described 
by Bernier, 370. Another account, 8eir, ii, 171, note 95, 
tells us it was a chair resting on two straight bambus or 
poles and carried on the shoulders of eight men. Two or 
three persons could find place in it, and it had not only 
a canopy over it, but an awning in front to intercept the 
glare of the sun. Preceding the moving throne were the 
yasawals (Steingass, 1531), whose business it was to pre- 
serve order (Malumat-ul-afaq, fol. 795). Sometimes Bahadur 
Shah mounted a horse, but he does not seem to have ridden 
on an elephant except in the battle field. 

Whenever the emperor passed, it was the etiquette for 
princes, nobles, and chiefs to come out to the edge of their 
camp and present a gold coin or other offering. There are 
numerous instances of the practice in the historians such 
as Danishmand Khan and Kamwar Khan; and Bernier, 
382, also speaks of it. The custom was observed by Herr 
Kotelar, the Dutch envoy, when he was in Bahadur Shah's 
camp at Lahor in 1712. The practice spoken of by Bernier 
of entering the camp sometimes on one side, sometimes 
on another, was the taghaiyur-i-rah dddan {Mirat-ul-Istildh, 



ON THE MARCH. 211 

fol. 80), a custom either founded on superstition or devised 
as a precaution against assassination. 

Crossing Rivers. On this subject Horn, 25, quotes P. 
de Courteille, "Memoires", ii, 336, the occasion being 
Babar's boat bridge across the Ganges near Kanauj. The 
practice was exceedingly common. Any river, if unfordable, 
was crossed by a temporary bridge of boats, such as are 
still to be seen in the present day. Horn, referring to 
Elliot, vi, 363, somewhat emphasizes the fact that elephants 
could cross such bridges, but this is a matter of every 
day experience. A special officer, dignified with the name 
of Mir Bahr, Lord of the Sea, was charged with the con- 
struction of these bridges and the provision of boats. The 
description of one of these bridges in Bernier, 380, can 
hardly be improved upon. "The army crossed by means 
of two bridges of boats constructed with tolerable skill, 
and placed between two and three hundred paces apart. 
Earth and straw mingled are thrown upon the planking 
forming the foot way, to prevent the cattle from slipping. 
The greatest confusion and danger occur at the extremities ; 
for not only does the crowd and pressure occur most there, 
but when the approaches to the bridge are composed of 
soft moving earth, they become so broken up and full of 
pits, that horses and laden oxen tumble upon one another 
into them, and the people pass over the struggling animals 
in the utmost disorder. The evil would be much increased 
if the army were under the necessity of crossing in one 
day; but the king generally fixes his camp about half a 
league from the bridges of boats and suffers a day or two 
to elapse ere he passes to the opposite side of the river; 
when, pitching his tents within half a league from the 
bank, he again delays his departure so as to allow the 
army three days and nights at least to efi'ect the passage". 
The practice referred to in the last sentence could be illu- 
strated by more than one instance of river-crossing in the 
reign of Bahadur Shah (1707—1712). 



212 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

It seems that there was one defect in the purely native 
system of making a boat-bridge. They did not make use 
of grapnels. Instead of these, they followed the tedions 
mode of driving stakes into the river bed. The result was 
a bridge less secure; and what might have been ready in 
one day took eight or ten days to complete (Remarks by 
Major R. E. Roberts, "Asiatic Miscell." i, 419). 

In Ashob's Skahadat-i-Farruk/isii/ar, fol. 112/5, I have 
come across a curious device bv the Mahrattas to mark 
the fordable part of a river. In 1148 h. (1735) Pilaji Jadon 
crossed the Jamna to attack Sa^adat Khan, Burhan-ul-mulk. 
At the place of crossing he caused bamboo poles to be 
planted in the water, to show the line of shallow water in 
case they had to retire. His forethought was, however, of 
no avail; they were badly beaten, fled in haste, and missed 
the ford, those that were not drowned being taken prisoners. 

Marching through Passes. The passage through a hilly 
country of such a huge assemblage as a Moghul army, 
consisting as it mainly did of undisciplined men, was, it 
need hardly be said, a matter of extreme difficulty, and 
in the presence of an active enemy likely to end disas- 
trously. Of this difficulty Bahadur Shah had ample expe- 
rience while governor of Kabul during the last ten years 
of his father's life. It was with the greatest difficulty, and 
more by guile than force, that he was able to pass yearly 
from his winter quarters at Peshawar to his summer resi- 
dence at Kabul, and back again (Raverty, "Notes", 84, 
foot note, 86, 90, foot note, 372). Warned by what had 
happened to him in Kabul, we find Bahadur Shah adopting 
special precautions whenever he came to any narrow defile. 
On his return from the Dakhin, when he arrived at the 
Eardapur pass between Aurangabad and Burhanpur on the 
23rd Shawwal 1121 h. (25tii Dec. 1709), he sent ahead 
his eldest son, Jahandar Shah, with orders on reaching 
the other end to occupy in force a position in the open 
plain beyond (Kamwar Khan, entry of above date). Shortly 



ON THE MARCH. 213 

afterwards he came with his army to the Mukand darrah, 
or pass, and the three great Rajput chieftains of Udipur, 
Jodhpur, and Jaipur being in open revolt, there was every 
reason to take precaution against a sudden onftilL This 
narrow valley in the Kotah state has a melancholy interest 
in Anglo-Indian history as the scene of Colonel Monson's 
disastrous retreat before Jaswant Rao, Hulkar, in July 1804 
(Thornton, "Gaz." 624, Thorn, "War", 358—363, Wel- 
lesley "Despatches", iv, 178 ^). Bahadur Shah took very 
great precautions. A plan of the pass was prepared a week 
before they came to it: the road was reported to be only 
4i dirdh wide (about 12f feet). Accordingly on the 25*^ 
Muharram 1122 h. (25th March 1710), the eldest prince, 
Jahandar Shah, was again deputed to march through in 
advance of the main army, and occupy the exit from the 
narrow valley. It seems to have taken the main body eight 
days to get clear, as it was not until the 6^^^ gafar (5^^ 
April) that the emperor quitted his camp on the hill side, 
at the top of the pass, a position which had been occu- 
pied by him since the 29^^ March (Kamwar Khan, entry 
of above date). 

Scouts and Spies. The intelligence department was always 
in active operation, both in peace and war. Reports of all 
sorts, descending even to idle gossip and scandal, were 
always welcome. Danishmand Khan, entry of 11*^ j^^^mazan 
1120 H., tells us that there were in all four thousand spies 
{Jiarkarali) in the imperial service scattered throughout the 
kingdom. There was a head spy {daroghah-i-harharah^ who 
was a man of influence and much feared ; his establishment 
formed a branch of the postal department, managed by a 
high court official called the Baroghah-i-dak, or super- 
intendent of the Post. When in the field, these spies were 
sent out in all directions. Their name, harkarah (literally 
"for every work"), arose in the Dakhin but was adopted 

' The best account of this retreat is perhaps that in Frazer's "Skinner", 
ii, 7—15, 31—35. 



214 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

by the Moghuls (Danishmand Khan, 1. c). In modern usage 
it has been transferred to the runners carrying the mail 
bags. Despatches and orders were either sent through the 
ordinary post, manned by foot runners, or by special mes- 
sengers on camels. If the recipient was to be specially 
honoured or the matter was very important, one of the 
imperial mace-bearers carried the message or letter to its 
destination. 

Negociations. These were carried on as a rule through holy 
men {darvesh) or through eunuchs, the sacred character of 
the one and the peculiar position of the other class making 
their persons more likely to be respected. Connected with 
this subject is the case in Erskine "History", ii, 248, quoted 
by Horn, 51, where during Humayun's flight through Sind 
in 1542, Mai Deo, the son of Rae Lankaran of Jaisalmir, 
when he came to remonstrate about plundering, bore a 
white flag. Another instance is found in Ashob, fol. 2565. 
He tells us that during the general slaughter of 1739 in 
Dihli, the Shah's men were opposed in superior force by 
the AVazTr's troops stationed round the hitter's mansion. It 
became necessary to communicate with the VVazir and send 
him a letter. The messenger displayed a white sheet "that 
is to say, the signal of peace and negociation", and then 
advanced to state his purpose. The only other instance 
that I have met with of a flag of truce being used, was 
at the siege of Malligam in 1818, where Lake, 127, says 
"the garrison hung out a flag of truce, that we might 
carry away our dead and wounded". 



CHAPTER XIX. 

LENGTH OF MARCHES. 

Rennell, 317, speaking from his experience, says the 
length of a day's journey in Hindustan was 11 to 12 kos 
or about 22 miles, for an ordinary traveller; but that of a 
courier may be reckoned at 30 or 33 miles; and on occa- 
sions of emergeney they could travel even more, and that 
for a continuance of fifteen or tv^^enty days. But these 
figures must not be taken as any standard for army mar- 
ching. These was an official rate of progress laid down for 
single officers or small parties travelling to or from Court. 
At times there were, however, forced marches which much 
exceeded the ordinary length; on the other hand, the rate 
of advance of a large army was very much less than the 
official rate of marching, for ''slowness of motion and the 
smallness of the stages are in the idea of the Indians a 
part of the state that must attend a great man" {Sei7\ i, 
187, note 131). Bernier, 358, alludes to this when he 
writes, "this is indeed slow and solemn marching, what 
we here call a la mogole\ 

In detailed histories where events are recorded day by 
day, such as Danish mand Khan's Bahadur 8Jidh namah 
and Kamwar Khan's Tazkirah-i-salatm4'chaghatai7/a/i, the 
length of each day's march is stated with great precision 
in jaribl or measured kos. This precision is accounted for, 
no doubt, by a statement found in Firishtah, Maqalah ii, 
p. 212, line 1. He tells us that a tanah-i-'paimcdsh fol- 
lowed the army, and by it the distance traversed was 
measured. The introduction of the practice into India was 



216 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

attributed to Babar. One hundred tanab made one tanah 
(the word is kos, in the quotation of the passage to be 
found on fol. 38« of B.M. Or. 2005, Tnnkh-i-AImad Shahi 
c. 1167 H.). Each tanab was of 40 yards {(jaz) and each 
gaz was of nine average fists (mus/il). This would make 
a kos of 4000, instead of 5000 gaz, as the later reckoning 
was. It was apparently Akbar who lengthened the tanab 
from 40 to 50 gaz {Ajn (Jarrett) ii, 414). 

Niccalao Manucci saw these measurements actually being 
made when 'Alamgir left Dihli in 1663, Berlin Ms. Phil- 
lipps 1945, fol. 48, and he gives a detailed account of the 
process. "Other men on foot march with a rope to measure 
the road, as follows. They begin at the royal tent when 
the king starts. The first man, who holds tho rope in his 
hand, makes a mark in the ground, and when the man 
behind comes up to it, he calls out ''One". Then the other 
man makes another mark and counts two: and thus they 
continue for the whole march, counting "Three", "Four" 
and so on, the other peon also keeping count. Should the 
king ask how far he has gone, they calculate the number 
of ropes making up a league, and answer accordingly". 

Dr. Horn, 115, states that his researches have not yielded 
him material for an exhaustive treatment of this section. 
Without any pretence to be exhaustive, 1 hope to he able 
to throw some further light upon the subject. 

The official days inarch. If a man was summoned to 
court, the time for his arrival was calculated in the fol- 
lowing way (B.M. 1641, fol. 40«5): 

1) For the order to reach him by the postrunners, 30 
measured {jarlbl) kos (78 miles) a day. 

2) For preparation to march, one week. 

3) For the march, 7 measured kos (18.2 miles) a day. 
The imperial measured kos was 200 jaribs of 25 dira^h 

each, that is, 5000 dirdh (B.M. 1641, fol. 51^). The fol- 
lowing doggrel lines aff'ord a memoria technica of this fact : 



LENGTH OF MARCHES. 217 

Panj alaf amad zi gaz nnqdar-i-mll. 
In manabazat bar In has/iad dahl. 

"Five thousand will yield in yards the mile's length, 
This specification affords the proof thereof". 

(Klmshhal Chand, 'Nadir-uz-Zamani, B. M. Or. 1844, 
fol. 159/^). 

The dirdh may be safely assumed to be the same as 
the gaz-i'ildhl, which has been found to be, as nearly as 
could be ascertained, 33 inches in length (Elliot, "Supp. 
Gloss." 480, under "llahi Guz", and 229, under "Coss", 
see also Prinsep, "Useful Tables", Calcutta, 1834, p. 88, 
89). Thus the length of one jarlbl kos would be 4583| 
yards or 2.6 miles; and 7 kos equals 18.2 miles. The 
reputed {rasaml) kos was shorter, one jarlbl equalled 1.71 
rasaml kos, and the rasaml kos was thus 1.52 miles in 
length. But this latter kos varies greatly in different parts 
of the country. 

We can prove the ordinary rate of a day's journey from 
other sources. For instance, Khushlial Chand Nadir-uz-Zamanl, 
B.M. 24,027, fol 247^, tefls us that from Dihli to within 
twelve kos of Kabul the distance was 306 jarlbl kos, or 
5351 rasaml kos, and that it was one and a half month's 
journey. Taking thirty days to a month, or forty five days 
in all, we find that this brings out a rate of 6| jarlbl 
and II9 rasaml kos travelled each day, or almost exactly 
the same as the distance fixed in the official manual. 

Then Mirza Muhammad, Harisi, gives in his Memoirs 
details of several journeys that he made. After Bahadur 
Shah's death he came from Labor to Dihli in twenty three 
marches, via Nakodar, Phaltir, Ambalah, and Karnal. The 
reputed distance was 107 kos, measured on the map it 
comes to about 288 miles, or at the rate of 2.6 miles to 
the kos to 278 miles. This gives only 4.65 kos or 12.09 
miles a day. But then we must recollect that for most of 
the time he travelled in the company of Bahadur Shah's 



218 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

widows, who w^ere bringing that emperor's body for burial 
at Dihli. Under these circumstances they may be supposed 
to have travelled less quickly than was usual. Again in 

1130 H. (1718) the same Mirza Muhammad went from 
Dihll to Jalalabad in the Muzaffarnagar district in five 
marches; the distances he gives, when added up, come to 
53 kos, an average of over 10 kos (27 miles) a day. He 
also returned to Dihli in five marches. The next year, 

1131 H. (1719) the same man went as an 'Amil to par- 
ganah Rahun in the Jalandhar duabah. He reached the 
place in twelve marches. Measured on the map the distance 
is roughly about 200 miles, which gives an average of 
161 miles as his daily march. Again in 1126 e. it took 
^Abd-ul-jalil, BilgramT, four months to 'march from Bhakkar 
to Dihli, a distance of about 850 miles (Oriental Miscellany, 
pp. 133 — 295, Letter N^ 6) by the usual route via Labor. 
This yields an average of a little over seven miles a day; 
but then we do not know what halts he made. 

Forced marches. The tlghar, or forced march, is men- 
tioned by Horn, 21. Some remarkable feats of this nature 
were performed by Akbar; notably his advance on Gujarat 
in 1573 (Elphinstone, 443). Such activity was not displayed 
in later times, and the Moghuls were habitually outmarched 
and out-manoeuvered by the Mahrattas. It is true that late 
instances of forced marches by Maistir troops are on record, 
but these can hardly be taken as applicable to the Moghul 
organization. Haidar and Tipu Sultan kept their troops in 
exceptional order, and what they did could not be done 
by other native armies. In 1781 Haidar marched one 
hundred miles in two days and a half, and in November 
1790 Tipu s entire army marched sixty three miles in two 
days. In our early days in India our own troops performed 
feats quite as wonderful. In 1805 General Smith's cavalry 
followed Amir Klian 700 miles in 43 days (Blacker, 281). 
Lord Lake also made some wonderful marches in 1803 
and 1804. 



LENGTH OF MARCHES. 219 

Army marching. We possess several detailed accounts of 
long marches undertaken by the later emperors at the 
head of large armies. When ^Alamglr died two of his sons 
fought together for the crown. But at the time of their 
father's death, one was at Jamrud, a little west of Peshawar, 
and the other was in the imperial camp at Ahmadnagar 
in the Dakhin. There were thus about 1200 miles between 
them ; they at once commenced to march towards each 
other, and finally met in battle in June 1707 between 
Agrah and Dholpur. 

The eldest son. Prince Mu^zzam, Shah 'Alam, reached 
Agrah in sixty-two days. The route was covered thus: 
Jamrud to the Indus, 8 days, the Indus to Lahor, 19 days, 
Lahor to DihlT, 25 days, Dihli to Agrah, 10 days. The 
distance measured on the map, with an addition of one 
eighth for the windings of the road ', is about 690 miles. 
The average distance covered is thus about 11.1 miles 
(including halts). 

Starting from the other direction. Prince A^zam Shah, 
the second son, was ninety two days on the march. From 
Ahmadnagar to Aurangabad took him 15 days, Aurangabad 
to Burhanpur, 22 days, Burhanpur to Sironj, 20 days, 
Sironj to Gwaliyar, 29 days, Gwaliyar to Dholpur, 6 days. 
The total number of days being ninety two and the dis- 
tance on the map about 505 miles, the average rate of 
progress was about 5.48 miles (including halts). Some 
farther details may be noted. Aurangabad to Burhanpur 
was, we are told, 56-2 kos done in 18 marches and 4 halts; 
the actual marching thus averaged here 3J^ kos (8.16 miles) 
a day. Burhanpur to Sironj, given as over 114 kos (296.8 
miles), was done in 17 actual marches, or a daily average 
of 6.7 kos (17.42 miles). By the map I make it 242 miles, 
which yields an average of 14.2 miles. 

The two marches above described were made under the 

1 Rennell's rule, -'Memoir", 7, is "Break the horizontal distance into 
portions of 100 or 150 miles, and add one eighth to get the road distance". 



220 



THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 



strongest possible pressure of haste, and must represent 
the utmost that a Moghul army was able to do in the 
way of continuous marching. In ordinary times the usual 
march of an army never exceeded 4| kos (11.7 miles) and 
was sometimes as little as 11 kos (3.25 miles). When 
Bahadur Shah marched from Agrah to the Dakhin, and 
then back via Ajmer to Lahor, the historians record the 
length of 340 separate marches. Most of them were of 3 
to 31 kos each (7.8 to 9.1 miles). This monarch always 
halted on Friday, and there was generally a long halt in 
the month of Ramazan on account of the fast. Some of the 
facts may be tabulated as follows-. 



Name op Place. 


Number 




Total 


Total 


Average 






OP 


Number 


number 


DISTANCE 


DAILY MARCH 


Pb-om 


To 


MARCHES. 


OF Halts. 


OP DAYS. 


MARCHED 

(approximate). 


(excluding 

DAYS halted). 












miles 


miles 


Agrah 


Jaipur 


20 


50 


70 


155 


7.75 


Jaipur 


Mairtha 


16 


12 


28 


140 


8.75 


Mairtha 


Ajmer 


14 


17 


31 


45 


3.21 


Ajmer 


Burhanpur 


40 


39 


79 


427 


10.67 


Burhanpur 


Haidarabad 


61 


144 


205 


360 


5.9 


Haidarabad 


Aurangabad 


44 


87 


131 


315 


7.15 


Aurangabad 


Burhanpur 


15 


38 


53 


135 


9.0 


Burhanpur 


Narbada bank 


11 


17 


28 


72 


6.54 


Narbada bank 


Ajmer 


50 


130 


180 


355 


7.1 


Ajmer 


Sonpat 


21 


97 


118 


318 


15.14 


Sonpat 


Thanesar 


8 


11 


19 


68 


8.5 


Thanesar 


Beyond 














Sadhaurah 


7 


8 


15 


48 


6.85 


Sadhaurah 


Labor 


33 


200 


233 


220 


6.66 


To 


tal 


340 


850 


1190 


2658 


7.81 



The whole period occupied, namely from the 12^^ Nov. 
1707 to the lltii Aug. 1711, comprises 1369 days, of 
which 1190 days are shown above. The remaining 179 
days were spent at some of the principal places named in 
the first column. 

Another instance is when Dara Shukoh was sent to recover 
Qandahar. He reached that place in thirty three marches 
from Multan (Raverty, "Notes", 22). Assuming that his 



LENGTH OF MARCHES. 



221 



route was by the Eolan pass, the distance may be esti- 
mated as 60S miles. This gives an average daily march of 
18.4 miles. 

We have also some other accounts, which are sufficiently 
specific to afford us information of the usual rate at which 
an army marched. For example, we have the advance of 
FarrukhsTyar from Patnali to encounter his uncle, Jahandar 
Shah, in the neighbourhood of Agrah. The prince left 
Patnah on the 22^^ Sept. 1712 and reached Sarae Begam, 
opposite Samtigarh, east of Agrah, on the 4^^ January 1713. 
The distance from Patnah to Agrah was commonly reckoned 
as 800 Jtos (780 miles)^ Khushhal Chand, B.M. Addl 24,027, 
fol. 220^. I make it no more, however, than 585 miles on 
the map (allowing i^^ for the windings of the road); and 
as Farrukhsiyar did not keep to the usual route, but 
deviated a good deal to the right, in order to visit the 
shrine of Shah Madar at Makhanpur, I should estimate 
the distance actually travelled at about 610 miles. The 
stages (including the final advance to Dihli) were: 



Stages. 


Nu:viBER 

OF 
MARCHES. 


Number 

0^ HALTS. 


Total 

NUMBER 
OF DAYS. 


Approximate 

TOTAL DISTA^'CE 

marched. 


Average 

DAILY MARCH 


From: 


To 


(excluding 

DAYS halted). 


Patnah 

Banaras 

Allahabad 

Makhanpur 

Agrah 


Banaras 

Allahabad 

Makhanpur 

Agrah 

Khizrabad 

(outside Dihll) 


19 

5 
17 
17 

12 


23 

6 

11 

8 

8 


42 
11 

28 
25 

20 


miles 
180 
90 
180 
157 

130 


miles 

9.47 

18.0 

10.58 

9.23 

10.83 


T 


Cotal 


70 


56 


126 


737 


10.51 



We have the record of two long marches of Jahandar 
Shah, first from Lahor to Dihll shortly after his accession, 
secondly, from Dihli to Agrah to oppose Farrukhsiyar. 



222 



THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 



Stages. 


Number 

OP 
MARCHES. 


Number 

OF UALTS. 


Total 

NUMBER 
OP DAYS. 


Approximate 

TOTAL DISTANCE 
MARCHED. 


Average 


From 


To 


DAILY MARCH. 


Lalior 
Dihll 


Dihll 
Agrah 


(not k 


nown) 
5 


44 
22 


miles 

288 

135 


miles 
6.54 (with halts) 

8.43 (without halts) 



Again the march of Sayyad Husain 'Ali Khan from the 
Dakhin, a march undertaken under circumstances of extreme 
urgency, should afford an excellent test of the rate at which 
a Moghul army could march. He left Aurangabad about 
the ll<^h Nov. 1718, and reached a suburb of Dih]i on the 
16tb Feb. 1719. His march thus occupied 98 days, and 
his route by way of Burhanpur, Ujjain, and Agrah, mea- 
sures about 695 miles on the map, allowing 1^^^ for the 
windings of the road. His average daily rate of marching 
(including any days on which he halted) was thus 7.1 miles. 

The last instance I shall refer to is the march of Mu- 
hammad Shah in 1719 from Agrah past Fathpur Sikri to 
Todah Bhim in the direction of Jaipur. I make out the 
distance to be about 90 miles; it took the army twenty 
seven days to reach Todah Bhim; but they marched on 
twelve days only and halted on fifteen days. The average 
daily march made was thus about 71 miles. 



CHAPTER XX. 

ORDER OF BATTLE. 

The ranging of an army in order of battle was known 
as saff arastan, from saff, a row, rank, or file; another 
phrase for the same thing i^parrah hastan (Ashob, fol. 134^). 
Dr. Horn, 59 — 70, has worked out this section so fully, 
that what 1 have to say must be in a great measure a 
reproduction of his remarks. He shows that the Moghul 
tactics were founded on the rules laid down in Taimur's 
ordinances (Davy and White, 228 and foil, Horn, 136 — 151). 
When a great battle was imminent, it was the duty of 
the first Bakhshi, the Bakhshi-ul'mamalik, to draw up a 
scheme of attack, dividing the force into divisions, assigning 
to each its position and naming the leaders of each. The 
proposed distribution was laid before the Emperor and his 
approval obtained. The day before the battle the Bakhshi 
also caused musters to be made, and an abstract of this 
present-state was laid before the emperor. For instance, we 
read in Danishmand Khan, entry of the 28th Shawwal 
1120 H., that Zujfiqar Khan, the first Bakhshi, drew up 
a plan for the battle against prince Kam Bakhsh, and 
presented it to the emperor for approval. 

The order of battle was then, roughly speaking, as fol- 
lows. First came the skirmishers. Next was placed the 
artillery in a line, protected by rocket-men and sheltered 
by a rough field-work, possibly the guns being also chained 
together. Behind the guns stood the advanced guard; a 
little behind it were the right and left wings. Then, at 
some distance, was the centre, where stood the emperor on 



224 



THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 



his elephant, having a little way in front of him an ad- 
vanced guard {iltmisli) and on each side of it two bodies, 
thrown a little way ahead, called the tarah. Behind the 
centre was the rear-guard {cha7idaioul), having in its charge 
the baggage and the women. I would beg a reference to 
the diagrams in Horn, 60, 63, 65, 66, 73. One book, 
B.M. 6599, fol. 164(f^, has the following disposition: 



Juz-i-harawal 



Jaranghar 
(Left Wing) 



Qar Clival 
(skirmishers) 



Harawal or 

Muqaddamah- 

ul-Jais 

(Vanguard) 



Iltmish 



Baranghar-i- 

Harawal 
(Right wing of 
advance guard) 



Al-altar{l) 

Dastchap-i-ghol 

(Left wing of Centre) 



GJiol (Centre) 

(where the com- 
mander was 
stationed) 



Iltmish 



Dast-i-rast-i-g liol 

(Right wing of 

centre) 



Chandawul 
(Rear guard) 



As the names for these different parts of an armv in 
battle array differ a good deal, it will be as well to set 
them out somewhat at length. The words so/-^an and sol- 
qui for the left, and ong-qul for the right wing of the centre, 
as introduced by Eabar (P. de Courteille, "Memoires", ii, 
17, Horn, 60), seem to have dropped out of use. We hear 
nothing of them in the later histories. 

Qalawurl. This word is employed in the Mirat-i-Ahnadl, 



ORDER OF BATTLE. 225 

fol. 186^, in the sense of men guiding or showing the 
way to an army. Steingass, 983, defines it as "road-guides, 
horsemen who guard the flank, spies, scouts". 

Iftrdl. From a passage in John Surman's Diary, C. R. 
Wilson, "Early Annals", ii, 2nd part, 26, this word seems 
to have been used for an advanced force or vanguard : 
"Meer Jumlah has arrived att Attayah (Itawah) and his Aftally 
consisting of 12,000 horse att Shasadpore (Shahzadpur)". 
Steingass, 80, has. If ted: "dispersed, scattered, rent, torn". 

Skirmishers. Qarawal is defined by Steingass, 962, as T. 
a sentinel, watchman, spy, guard, the vanguard, a game- 
keeper, a hunter. In peace these men were the imperial 
huntsmen; in war, they were sent ahead as scouts and 
skirmishers. 

Vanguard. This was called either Harawal ov muqaddamah' 
ul-jais. The former word Iiaraioal, harol, or arawal is de- 
fined by P. de Courteille, 10, 515, as "troupe qui marche en 
avant de I'armee pour I'eclairer, troupe envoyee en avant 
pour soutenir I'avant garde". Steingass, 1494, has "vanguard, 
running footmen". Muqaddamah-ul-jais is the Arabic phrase, 
meaning "front-part of the army {jaisy\ and is often used 
instead of harawal. Horn, 60, speaks of certain families 
among the Moghuls having hereditary claims to certain 
positions. In India the right to fight in the vanguard was 
conceded, from the time of Akbar, to the Barhah sayyads, 
and the fact is often referred to in later times as one of 
their best titles to honour. In the Badshah-nmiah, i, 214, 
line 8, I find 'Abd-ul-hamid speaks of troops sent ahead 
of an army by the name of manqalah. The expression is 
not very common; I have met with it once spelt manqala 
in Khushhal Chand, Berlin Ms. 495, fol. 1127^, and 
several times in the Maasir-ul-umara (written c. 1155 h., 
1742), as for instance on p. 543 of vol. i. It is used in 
Tarikh-i"^ Alamgir Sam, on fol. 1055. It is said to have 
also the form manghalae, the latter a Moghul word meaning 
"forehead, front" (Steingass, 1331, 1333). 

15 



226 THE AMRY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Advanced post of the Vanguard. This body was named 
juzah-i-hardwal, literally "chicken of the vanguard", Horn, 
61, who refers to Budaoni, ii, 231, line 4. 

Bight Wing. There are five names for this part of the 
army, two Arabic, one Chaghatae, and two Persian. They 
are (1) maimanah^ (2) ansar-i-maivianah, (Dastur-ul-lnsha, 
233), (3) baranghar, (4) dast-i-rdst, (5) taraf-i-yamln (Khafi 
Khan, ii, 876)7 '" ~~ 

Left Wing. In the same way the left wing is referred to by 
five different names, the maisarah, A.ansdr-i-??iaisarah{Ds.st\lr- 
ul-Insha, 233) jaranghdr, Ch., dast-i-c/iap^ P., and jdnib-i- 
yamr (Khafi Khan, ii, 876). Jaranghdr, the form used in 
India, should be more correctly juivdnghdr (Horn, 39, P. 
de C, 157, 289), but jaranghdr does not seem to be 
merely a mistake of the press, as Dr. Horn suggests, for 
we have it in the dictionaries (Steingass, 359). 

Advance guard of the Centre. This bore the Chaghatae 
name for the number sixty, that is, iltmish, (P. de C. 31). 
Possibly it may have originally consisted of this number 
of men, and the name having been once adopted, it was 
retained regardless of the actual number of men employed. 
Khafi Khan, ii, 876 spells, galtmish. 

The Centre. This division was known either by the 
Chaghatae word qTil (P. de C. 433) or the Arabic words 
qalb, literally "heart", and ghol, "troop", "assemblage". 
For example, Khafi Khan, ii, 876 uses ^?7/ and the ^m/^^- 
i'Mhd. Shah, fol. 1135, uses ghol. Qid also means slave in 
Chaghatae. Perhaps the centre was called by this name, 
because it was formed out of the personal retainers or slaves 
of the leader or sovereign. Another name for the centre is 
qamargah, Mirdt-i- Ahnadi (circa 1170 h.) fol. 17v<^. This 
word is more usually applied to the circle within which game 
was driven by troops used as beaters. It was also a term of 
fortification (see farther on under "Sieges"). It was in the centre 
that the leader took up his station with his standards displayed. 



ORDER OF BATTLE. 227 

Winc/s of the Centre. These were called taraJi. P. de 
Courteille, "Diet." 382, translates this word as used in 
Babar's ''Memoirs", ii, 167, Text, 344, by the word "reserve". 
Horn assigns to the tar ah, which he also calls the reserve, 
a position on each side, but somewhat in advance, of the 
centre itself. In this position these troops would seem rather 
to be the advanced guard than the reserve of the centre. 
Khafi Khan, ii, 876, distinguishes into tarah-i-dast-i-chap 
and tarah'i'dast-i-rast . 

Rear guard. The name of this was chanddwul (P. de C. 
288) literally, water-carriers, people belonging to the rear 
guard (Steingass, 400). Tn its charge was the baggage of 
the army (bahir-o-bangah). Horn, 61, says the correct form 
is chaghdaul, referring to Babar 131, line 1, and 184, line 
10. This form is not used by Indian writers of later date, 
nor is it in P. de Courteille, "Dictionnaire". It is found 
on p. 395 of Steingass. 

Saqah. The rear of any division of the army or of any 
camp was called its saqah, Ashob, fol. 182a, Steingass, 642. 

Nasaqchl. From the time of Nadir Shah's invasion, we 
hear a good deal of the nasaqchl. This word, which seems 
to have passed then into Indian usage, is from nasaq, order, 
arrangement. The nasaqchl was an armed man employed 
to enforce orders ; and there were several thousand of them 
in Nadir Shah's camp. Military punishments were inflicted 
through them, and one of their duties was to stand in the 
rear of the army and to cut down every one who dared 
to flee. Their arms were a battle-axe, a sabre, and a dagger 
(Jchanjar), JSeir, i, 340, note 286. Their signs of office, 
Ashob says, fol. 263^^, were a staff" or baton carried in the 
hand, and on the head a tadai, J^^j, of moulded brass, 
three sided, in shape like the deeply ribbed or winged 
fruit of the kamra/ch (Averrhoa carambola). 

Taulqamah (^^.iiip') or Taulghamah (i^^^S). This is a Cha- 
ghatae word used to denote the troops posted in ambush 
to turn the enemy, or the action of turning the flank of 



228 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

the enemy (P. de C. "Diet.", 243). Horn refers to it in 
several places (22, 23, 60, 73, 75). It was a manoeuvre 
executed by Babar (P. de C. "Memoires", i, 194) and is 
described by him as a sudden onslaught accompanied by 
a discharge of arrows, and followed by as sudden a retreat. 
From this passage Horn holds taulqamah to be the name 
of a manoeuvre rather than of a particular part of the army. 
But in his diagram on p. 73, showing the position taken 
by Babar before the battle of PanTpat, he places a taul- 
qamah on both the right and the left of the two wings. 
Thus the word must be accepted in both senses, namely 
as a manoeuvre and as a section of the battle array. Khafi 
Khan, ii, 876, when setting forth the divisions of Nizam- 
ul-mulk's army before the fight with Sayyad Dilawar 'All 
Khan, 19th June 1720, says "Fathullah Khan, Khosti, and 
Rao Raghuba, Binalkar, with a force of 500 horse were 
appointed the taulqamair . This bears out the use of the 
word as one of the divisions of an army when in battle 
array. The manoeuvre was one employed by Ahmad Shah, 
Abdali, without giving it this name, see p. 233. Qazaql 
(p. 240) was also a movement of much the same sort. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

CONDUCT OF A BATTLE. 

An open country was one of the first necessities for a 
successful action by a Moghul army, for without this their 
cavalry could not deploy freely (Horn, 21). Even ground 
covered with thick scrub was unfavourable, while hills and 
ravines still more hampered their movements. In a moun- 
tainous region they were at a terrible disadvantage; and 
their mail-clad horsemen were quite unequal to guerilla 
warfare. In their palmiest days they found themselves unable 
to reach the Pathans amidst their rocks; and in their 
decadence they were helpless as children against the nimble 
Mahratta. 

Usually one, if not both, the armies made ready for 
battle by drawing out the guns in a long line and protecting 
them by earth works, the guns being also connected to- 
gether by chains or hide-straps, to prevent the horsemen 
of the other side from riding through the line and cutting 
down the gunners. For instance, Dara Shukoh used chains 
at Samugarh in 1658 (Bernier, 47); and before the battle 
of the 22nd Rabf i, 1161 h. (2lst March 1748) with Ahmad 
Shah, AbdalT, between Machhiwarah and Sihrind, the im- 
perialists "joined their cannon together by chains after the 
fashion of Rum" (Anand Ram, India Office Ms. 1612, fol. 
58a). Again, outside Labor, on Ahmad Shah's second in- 
vasion in 1165 H. (1751-2), the subahdar, Mu^in-ul-mulk, 
resorted to zanjlr-hnndl of his cannon (Ghulam ''All Khan, 
Muqaddamah-i-S. A. namah, fol. 79«). Nay, the practice 
survived to the very last, for we find it put in force by 



230 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

the Mahrattas at LaswarTin November 1803 (Thorn, "War", 
214). A good description of the zanjlrah-hand (as he calls 
it) is given by Ashob, fol. 182/5, with reference to Mu- 
hammad Shah's camp at Karnal in the year 1151 h. (1739). 
''The zaujirah hand began at the last bastion of the town 
wall, a narrow path one or two yards wide being left on 
the bank of the canal for the passage of the guards (chauki) 
on their rounds ishah-gard). The swivel-guns {rahkalali) 
were planted four yards apart, with iron chains strongly 
attached to the wheels {lialqah) of their carriages (arabah). 
Between every two swivel-pieces were stationed five men 
with wall-pieces {jazair), having pushtahs (breastworks) 
thrown up {andakhtali), and their pieces ready, side by side, 
on their tripods". 

If the guns were not too numerous, it was often the 
practice to post them behind the clay walls of the houses 
in some village; or to take up a commanding position on 
the top of an old brick-kiln ; or a temporary entrenchment 
might be formed out of the earthen bank and ditch which 
usually surround a grove of mango trees \ A discharge of 
rockets from the artillery position generally began the action. 
Then the guns were brought into play. The fire never 
became, I expect, very rapid. Orme, for example, "Mil. 
Trans.", i, 74, referring to as late as the middle of the 
18^^! century, speaks of their firing once in a quarter of an 
hour. Khushhal Chand's remarks, Berlin Ms. 495, fol. 1016/5, 
show that in 1721 the usual rate of fire of the heavy guns 
was one shot every three hours (one pas). He praises 
Haidar Quli Khan's men for the energy with which they 
cooled their guns, loaded them, and fired them at inter- 
vals of three-quarters of an hour {do-ghari ^=- 44 minutes). 
In Babar's time the rate of firing must have been very 
slow. In his battle near Kanauj, he says (P. de C, ii, 337) 
"Ustad Quli Khan" (his mir atash) "made very good use 

1 Clive found one of these last very useful at the battle of Palasi (Plassey), 
Orme, ^'Mil. Trans.", ii, 172. 



CONDUCT OF A BATTLE. 231 

of his artillery. The first day he discharged eight projec- 
tiles, the second he shot sixteen, and so continued for three 
or four days". He used for this the piece called "the Cannon 
of the Conqueror", the same that he had used in the battle 
against Sanka (i. e. the Rana of Chitor), and to this it owed 
its name of Ghazi. He had also mounted in a battery a 
still larger piece; but it burst at the first discharge. 

Owing to the slowness of the draught oxen, who were 
unable to keep up with an advancing line, the artillery 
seldom took any further part in the battle, once the 
cavalry advance had passed beyond the entrenched position 
which had been taken up at the outset. From the same 
cause, it seldom happened that in case of a retreat or 
defeat the guns could be saved; they had to be spiked 
and left behind (Fitzclarence, 255); or as Blacker puts it 
("War", 128) "In an action the guns of an Indian army 
are generally immovable and their cavalry all motion. The 
object of the batteries is to fire as long as possible pre- 
viously to being taken; and of the horse, to secure their 
retreat if discomfited, unfettered by any incumbrance". 

While the artillery duel went on, the rest of the army 
was drawn up at some distance behind the guns in the 
order of battle already detailed, with standards displayed, 
drums beating, and horns blowing. "As the army took up 
its position for battle, the long brass horns {karranai) 
sounded and heralds ^ made proclamation" {8air-ul-Muta- 
kharln text, 59, Seir, i, 208). Since, as Isaiah says, 
"every battle of the warrior is with confused noise", some 
mention must be made here of battle cries. Horn, 23, tells 
us that in Babar's time there was a pass word to dis- 
tinguish friend from foe ; we hear nothing of such a prac- 

1 Heralds, that is naqlb, Steingass 1421, a servant whose business it 
is to proclaim the titles of his master, and to introduce those who pay 
their respects to him. In 1870, on the day of the Duke of Edinburgh's 
arrival at Benares, such a herald preceded the late Rajah Deo Narayan 
Singh as he walked from the railway station to the river bank, and I 
heard the man shouting out the Rajah's titles. 



232 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

tice in later times. But shouts and battle cries, coupled 
with abusive or taunting language, were copiously resorted 
to. Such cries were Allahu akbar ! (God is great) and Din! 
Din! (The faith! The faith!). Akbar used the cry of Yd 
Muln! (O Helper!), Horn 109, quoting BudaonT, ii, 167, 
Lowe 170. The passage in Budaoni is: 

Kamdn-i-liiydnl dar elm ad ba-zilt, 

YaJce guft '' Ba-sitdn\ yalce guft '' DUi\ 

''The royal bow was drawn to the full. 
One called 'Seize', and another 'Strike' ". 

In another place, Budaoni, i, 335, line 3 from end, speaks 
of awdZ'i-' Dill' o ''Sitctn' o '' Ba-kasI/!' o "Ba-zan\ ghostly 
cries of "Strike", "Seize" "Slay", "Smite", still supposed 
to be heard after night-fall from the battle-field of Panipat. 
Steingass, 547, has di!i, strike thou, inf. dadan, and 548, 
dihddih zadan, to raise a battle cry. Khafi Khan ii, 58, 
speaks of sadde ''Ba-kash!'' ''Ba-kasli' buland sak!itah, 
"having raised loud cries of 'Kill! Kill!'" We are reminded 
of Michael Drayton's "Battaile of Agincourt": 

"Whilst scalps about like broken potsherds fly 

And 'kill', 'kill', 'kill', the Conquering English cry". 

The most common cry in later times was Din! Din! 
Muliammad! This was used by the Arabs at Nagpur in 
1817 (Fitzclarence, 103). It is what Robert Orme repre- 
sented, "Mil. Trans." ii, 339, as "the sound of Ding Ma- 
homed", or as a contemporary account of the battle of 
Baksar, Oct. 23rd 1764, says (Carraccioli, "Clive", i, 57) 
"when our seapoys observed the enemy they gave them a 
ding or huzza \ One Mahratta war cry was "Gopal ! Gopal!" 
{AJucdl-ul'khaivaqln, 207^;); this is one of the names of 
Krishn. iVnother, according to Grant Duff, 109, was "Har, 
Har, Mahadeo" ; these are also the names of Hindu gods. 
Cavalry cJiarges. When the guns were supposed to have 
done their work and had sufficiently demoralized the op- 
posing army, successive charges were delivered from first 



CONDUCT OV A BATTLE. 233 

one wing, then the other. The horsemen began with match- 
lock fire and a discharge of arrows, finally coming to close 
quarters and hand to hand fighting with sword, mace, or 
spear. This latter was the chapqalash, evidently from (ji^^xjl:^, 
P. de C. 271, a combat. Ahmad Shah, Abdali, seems in 
1165 H. (1752) to have brought in a mode of attack, 
resembling the taulqamah, (ante, p. 228) in which the 
matchlock played a conspicuous part. He divided his horse 
into several bodies of one thousand each, all with matches 
ready lighted. The first body {dastaJi) rode hard at the 
enemy, delivered its fire, then galloped off again. A second 
body followed and did the same, and so on in succession 
(Ghulam 'All Khan, Muqaddamah, fol. 79/5). At the battle 
oFPanTpat, fought on the 7*11 Jamadi ii, 1174 h. (13*^ 
January 1761), he repeated this manoeuvre at a critical 
moment with conspicuous success, thereby throwing the 
Mahrattah centre into confusion, {Tdnkh-i-Eusain ShaM, 
fol. 445, 45^^). In the Ma^asir-ul-umara, ii, 671, we are 
told that in the south of India it was the practice to make 
the first attack against the rear of an army. 

Chevaux de frise or Caltrops. According to the dictionary, 
Steingass, 460, khasak is the word for a caltrop thrown 
down to impede the movements of cavalry. I have seen 
only one mention of their employment, namely, in the 
Akharnamah (Lucknow edition, i, 75, five lines from foot) 
where Taimur is said to have used them. But I have come 
across the word in Sa'di's lines quoted by Muhammad Mun'^im, 
Ja'farabadi, in his Farrukli-namah, fol. 275, (1128 h.) and 
by 'Ishrat, Siyalkoti, in his Nadirnainah^M. 56a (1151 h.) : 
'^Adu ra ha jcte khasak zar ha rez, 
Kih bakhshish kund kunad dandan-i-iez. 

"Before an enemy scatter gold, not spikes. 
For gifts will blunt the sharpest teeth". 

As to the distinctive difference between Moghul cavalry 
and that of European armies in their methods of fighting. 



234 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Colonel Blacker has some judicious remarks ("War", 189). 
First of all, to show how formidable such solid but irre- 
gular bodies of cavalry seemed, he quotes Orme — "whoso- 
ever has seen a body of ten thousand horse advancing on 
the full gallop all together will acknowledge with the 
Marechals Villars and Saxe that their appearance is tre- 
mendous, be their courage or discipline what it will". Yet 
a few European squadrons could ride them down and dis- 
perse them. There was a want of sympathy between the 
parts, and this prevented one part depending upon the 
assistance of another. Owing to its size, an army of Moghul 
horse could, for the moment, meet the attack of a small 
compact body by a portion only of its total strength, and 
since as against disciplined cavalry an equal front of an 
irregular body of troops can never stand the shock of an 
attack, the Moghuls were bound to give way. The whole 
being thus broken up into parts, the parts avoided exposure 
to the brunt of the action ; the part actually attacked fled, 
but the parts not menaced did not combine to fall on the 
rear of the pursuers. On the other hand, the disciplined 
troops divided, reassembled, charged and halted on a single 
trumpet-call, and threatened each single part in turn. But 
if the drilled cavalry tried skirmishing, it was soon found 
that the Moghul horse, apparently so despicable, were most 
formidable in detail. Wilks, iii, 392, is also of opinion that 
in single combat a European seldom equalled the address 
of a native horseman. 

The objective was the elephant of the opposite leader, 
and round it the fiercest of the battle raged. The centre 
was the ultimate object of attack and every effort was 
made to get closer and closer to it. As a rule, a battle in 
India was a series of isolated skirmishes, the contending 
bodies holding themselves at first at some distance from 
each other, and ending in close individual fighting. One 
European observer, writing at rather a late period, declares 
that numbers always decided the day, that the smaller 



CONDUCT OF A BATTLE. 235 

invariably gave way before the larger force. This view may 
have some truth in it, but cannot be hiid down as an 
axiom. Accident as frequently as not was decisive, while 
treacherous desertion or half-hearted support w^as a frequent 
occurrence. 

The most decisive point of a battle was, however, the 
death or disappearance of the leader. If he was known to 
have been killed, or could not be seen on his elephant, 
the troops desisted at once, and the greater part forthwith 
sought their own safety in flight (To this eff'ect, see De 
la Flotte, i, 258, Orme, "Hist. Frag.", 419, Cambridge, 
"War", Introd. ix). In order to be conspicuous, the leader 
rode on an elephant, preceded by others bearing displayed 
standards. "Nothing was more common than for a whole 
army to turn its back the moment they perceived the 
general's seat empty. But Europeans having these forty 
years past (1745 — 1785) gained many a battle by only 
pointing a four-pounder at the main elephant, Indian 
generals have abandoned the custom and now appear on 
horseback, nay have learned to discipline their troops and 
to have an artillery well served" {Seir, i, 10, note 20). The 
troops were very subject to panic and sudden flight; so 
much so that the fact was summed up in the proverb 
"one soldier makes off, and a whole army is done for" \ 

Many battles were lost by the event above referred to, 
the death or disappearance of the leader. One instance is 
the loss of the battle of Samugarh in 1658, because Dara 
Shukoh descended from his elephant to mount a horse, at 
the entreaty of Khalilullah Khan, with the object of pur- 
suing the flying enemy (Bernier, 54). The loss or flight 
or capture of the leader also determined the great battles 
of Jajau (18th June 1707), Haidarabad (13th January 1709), 
Labor, (15th-18th March 1712), Agrah, (10th Dec. 1712) 
Hasanpur (13th Nov. 1720). In the first Prince A'zam Shah 

1 Lashkarl garezad, o lashkarc sar shavvad^ Horn, 111, quoting 
Budaonl, ii, 196, line 4. 



236 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

and two sons were killed; in the second, Prince Kam 
Bakhsli was mortally wounded and made prisoner. At 
Lahor the three younger brothers of Prince Jahandar Shah 
were defeated by him one after another and killed. At 
Agrah, Jahandar Shah left the field of battle and fled in 
disguise to Dihli. At Hasanpur, Prince Ibrahim and the 
rebel wazir, ^Abdullah Khan, both became the prisoners of 
Muhammad Shah. On this head see also Horn, 46, and 
the cases there referred to, Badsliahnamah, i, 512, last line, 
Akharnamah, iii, 54, line 12 and following. Once more. 
Sir Eyre Coote, "Minutes of Sel. Com", SQtli April 1772, 
reprint, 39, attributes the victory of Palasi (Plassey) partly 
to the loss of one Meer Noodur, Siraj-ud-Daulah's head 
general. One of our cannon balls killed his elephant and 
then its rider was killed by a fall from it; this, and the 
death of the oxen dragging the guns, threw the enemy 
into the greatest confusion. 

Untimely plundering. There was also an undisciplined 
eagerness to break off and begin plundering before the 
day w^as really decided; and this habit often ended disas- 
trously for those who had too easily assumed themselves 
to be the victors. 

Single combat. Horn, 46, quotes instances {Akbarnamah, 
iii, 97, 98 and Khafi Khan, ii, 304, 305), 1st where Akbar 
challenged his opponent, Datid Lodi, to a fight in single 
combat; and 2adly^ in 1095 h., when M. Ibrahim, a general 
of the Haidarabad rulers, made a similar ofier to Prince 
Mu'azzam, eldest son of 'Alamgir. We may add to these 
the proposal sent in 1119 h. (1707) by the same Prince 
Mu'azzam (afterwards Shah 'Alam Bahadur Shah) to his 
next brother, xVL. A'zam Shah, when they were both clai- 
mants for the throne, then vacant through the death of 
their father. It does not appear that any of these duels 
actually took place; the last most certainly did not. 

Challenges to single combat seem to have been not un- 
usual between men of lower rank. We have an instance 



CONDUCT OF A BATTLE. 237 

in Khafi Khan, ii, 633, line 14, where he says that Sarwa, 
a robber associate of Papra, the toddy-seller, and one of 
the latter's petty officers, Purdil Khan, had such a violent 
quarrel about each other's soldierly qualifications, that they 
fought a duel {jang-i-yahyangi), "as is the custom in the 
Dakhin" (see ante, p. 185). Later on the practice showed itself 
in 1782, when the English under Sir Eyre Coote were opposed 
to the Mysore army under Haidar "All. Individual horsemen 
would ride up within speaking distance and, with contemp- 
tuous abuse of a mode of warfare excluding individual 
prowess, would give a general challenge to single combat. 
Many times and with uniform success these were accepted 
by Lieut. Dallas, a man six foot high, who rode a coal- 
black horse, and formed a striking exception to the general 
inferiority of European to native swordsmen (Wilks, ii, 392). 

The TJtara. Dismounting, (from H. utarna, to descend, 
dismount), or fighting on foot, was a peculiarity of Indian 
horsemen of which they were very proud. It was specially 
affected among Indian Mahomedans by the Barhah Sayyads. 
H. M. Elliot, "M. Hist.", i. Appendix, 537, speaks of this 
practice, and the allied one of Colligation in Fighting, as 
a custom of the Hindu tribes. The Beglar-namah, (Ell. i, 
293) a history of Sind written about 1625, quotes Rana 
Kumba of Amarkot as saying "it was an old-established 
custom amongst their tribes that both parties should alight 
from their horses and engage on foot". Other instances are 
to be found in the same Appendix. 

Horn, 21, seams to be referring to this habit, when he 
says that the Moghul horseman had to serve sometimes as 
infantry. His reference in the ^Alamgir'namah, 67, line 8, 
is undoubtedly a case of the utara. It took place at the 
battle with Jaswant Singh, Rathor, and it is specially said 
to be "the custom of the valorous reputation-seekers of 
Hindustan". Anand Ram, writing in 1161 h. (1748), 
I. O. L. N^ 1612, fol. 876, refers to it as a special feature 
of Rajput tactics. An instance of the practice by Rajputs 



238 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

will be found in Budaonl's account, text i, 368, Ranking, 
478, of the battle fought in 1562 near Ajmer between 
Sher Shah and Mai Deo, Rathor. Again, we find it in use 
in 1151 H. (1739) at the battle near Karnal, where Klian 
Dauran, Samsam-ud-daulah, was wounded and MuzafiFar 
Khan killed. Ashob, fol. 227«, tells us that "they found 
the dead bodies of Mirza 'Aqil Beg, Kamalposh, and of 
others, his brethren, with their skirts tied together". 

This dismounting was resorted to at the crisis of a battle; 
and when the horsemen alighted, they bound themselves 
together by the skirts of their long coats. There are many 
references to this mode of fighting in the descriptions of 
battles in the early part of the 18^^ century. The Persians 
in the Indian service scoffed at this habit, and attributed 
it not to valour but to defective horsemanship. An anony- 
mous writer of that nation remarks, "So when Hindustani 
cavalry go to battle, it is impossible for them to make a 
stand without suffering physically. If they are caught in- 
volved in a fight they have no resource left but to alight 
and let their horses go. Though they may be killed in 
either case, yet the chances are greater in favour of life 
when they alight. If they remain in the saddle, it is im- 
possible for them to escape, for the horse, as likely as not, 
kills the rider before the enemy touches him. Anyhow, 
this manoeuvre of utdra has the appearance of bravery and 
they boast of it. ("Memoirs of Dihli", trans, of Tankh-i- 
Parah Bnkhsh, by W. Hoey, M. A., D. Lit., i, App7~8). 

Allied to what Elliot refers to as "colligation", or men 
binding themselves together when fighting, is an incident 
which I have only met with once. In 1165 h. (1752) at 
the turning-point of the battle fought outside Lahor against 
Ahmad Shah, Abdali, the nazim, Mu'in-ul-mulk, and his 
chief captain, Bhikari Khan, put each one foot in the 
other's stirrup, and thus, knee to knee, fought their way 
back to shelter in the fort of Lahor (Ghulam 'Ali Khan, 
Muqaddama/i, fol. l^b). 



CONDUCT OF A BATTT^E. 239 

Some other technical terms of fighting. There are several 
words and phrases which often occur in accounts of battles, 
and seem to have, in that connection, a more or less tech- 
nical meaning. These I note, with such explanations as 
occur to me. 

Earakat-i'mazbu/n. This means literally the expiring throes 
of a slaughtered animal, but seems used to express a feeble 
and hesitating attack, which is never carried home. In 
Budaoni, ii, 234, occurs the following passage: o sare chand 
az fidaigdn-i-Rana, kih mahal-i-Tt-rd muhdfazat nn-kardand^ 
sare chand-i-dtgar, suknah-i-mu^abad^ kih majmu'' bist kas 
bdshand, binabar-i-rasm i-qadlm-i- Hindustan.^ kih waqt i-khdli 
sdkhtan-i-shahr, ba jihat-i-radgat-i-ndmus, kashtah mi shav- 
vand, az andarun-i-khdnahha o butkhdnahhd bar dmdah, 
harakat-i-inazbuhi kardah, ba zakhm-i'Shamsher-i-jdn-sitdn 
jdn ba mdlikdn-i-dozakh sipurdand. Lowe, 240, renders it 
thus: "And certain of the devoted servants of the Rana, 
who were the guardians of his palace, and some inhabi- 
tants of the temple, in all amounting to twenty persons, 
in accordance with an ancient custom of the Hindus that 
when they are compelled to evacuate a city, they should 
be killed in order to save their honour, coming out of 
their houses and temples performed the sacrificial rite and 
by the stroke of their life-taking swords committed their 
souls to the keepers of hell". See also Lowe's note. I take 
this passage as meaning, on the contrary, that the men 
made a feeble purposeless onslaught {harakat4-7nazbuhl), 
and were slain not by their own swords, but by those of 
their Moslem opponents. 

Again in the Ma fisir-i-^ Alamgirl, 299, at the taking of 
Gulkandah, 24th Zul'Qa^dah 1098 h., 9th Sept. 1687, we 
have the expression used in its literal sense of a feeble 
useless effort. When the besiegers entered that fort, their 
leader seized the king be an kih U o hamrdhdn-ash harakat- 
i-mazbuhl namdyand, "before he and his companions could 
make any fruitless effort". As the prisoners thus made were 



240 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Mahomedans, it can hardly be supposed that the writer 
means they were about to perform a "sacrificial rite", that 
is, in other words, the Hindu jTi/iar, or immolation of 
themselves and family. In the Ma^asir-ul-wriard, i, 844, 
the words are used to describe the opposition offered in 
1153 H. (1740) by Sarfaraz Khan, 7iazim of Bengal, to the 
invasion of the usurper, 'All Wirdi Khan, Mahabat Jang. 
Wilks, ii, 552, attributes to Tipu Sultan's personal malig- 
nity the use of this phrase for describing the "movements 
of the enemy". No doubt, contempt is included in the 
meaning, but it is a regular stock expression, used by all 
writers when describing the movements of troops. Khushhal 
Chand, Berlin Ms. 495, fol. 10103 uses it in its strictly 
literal signification with reference to the execution of Rajah 
Ratn Chand (1133 h.). Once more he uses it, rather in- 
definitely, on fol. 10153. 

Qazaqt. The word comes, of course, from qazarj, Stein- 
gass, 968, a partisan, a light armed soldier, a highway 
robber, a Cossack. Qazaqi he defines as a military incur- 
sion, guerilla warfare, free-booting, brigandage. But in Indian 
writings it seems to me to have a more definite application, 
and is used for something equivalent to a loose attack in 
open order, followed by retreat as soon as the attack has 
been delivered, in short something the same as the taul- 
qamah movement already referred to (ante, p. 227). Modern 
writers speak, I notice, of the Cossack "lava-like" form of 
attack, and I suppose the above-named is what they mean. 
Horn, 64, rejects, and I think rightly, the use of this 
word as one of the divisions of an army, but he does 
not give us any definition to replace the one rejected. 
I fancy that Dr. Oskar Mann's reading of faraql iS'^s, on 
p. 95, line 6, of Mujmil-ut-ianM might be better J.[^, qazaqi. 

Bar gosliah-i-kaman zadan. This is in the literal sense 
of the words "to take in the corner of a bow". But the 
words seem to have also the specifiic meaning of surrounding 
and overpowering any body of men. 



CONDUCT OF A BATTLE. 241 

Talaql'i-fariqain, "Meeting of the two parties", denotes 
the fact that the two armiCwS are in touch and within 
striking distance of each other. 

Sii/ah namudan, lit. "to show black", is the phrase for 
the first faint signs of an enemy's appearance in the distance. 

Ilallah^ said by Steingass 1506 to be from hamlah, a 
fight, was the general word for an on-rush or charge. 

Ynrish, Steingass, T., 1537, P. deC, 545 u^^j^.,7narche, 
expedition, was also used in the same sense as hallali. 

Hni^at'i-majmui was also a word for some sort of com- 
bined advance. Literally it means hai^at, form, mode, maj- 
mul, collective, aggregate. I think this had a technical use, 
but I have failed to satisfy myself as to its exact meaning. 

ChapkuncJii, a reconnaisance, Horn 21, T have never seen. 
Chapqalash I have already referred to (ante, p. 233); Turk- 
tazi (Turk-galloping) was an expression for hard or ex- 
peditious riding. The words TJimaq or Aimaq, Horn, 21, 
Blochmann Ajn, i, 371, note, were not in use in the later 
period. 

Sipahl-i'frdez. This phrase, literally "soldiers of the melon 
bed", has often puzzled me. It is used as a description 
of a defeated, non-resisting body of troops. Presumably the 
metaphor means that in such a case their heads are as 
easily cut off as melons can be gathered from a melon-bed. 
Mirza Haidar (Ross and Elias, 323) puts Avords something 
like it into the mouth of a prince, looking on at a review 
of raw undisciplined troops: "with such a troop as this it 
would be dangerous to try and rob a kitchen-garden {paliz)". 

Defeat. In case of a reverse the heavy guns were ge- 
nerally abandoned, as they could not be removed. We are 
told that in such cases they were spiked and rendered 
useless (Blacker, "War", 128). One instance where this was 
done was at Gulkandah in 1097 h. (1685-6) by 'Alamgir, 
Khafl Khan, ii, 355, last line, mlkh zadah nahud salchtand. 
Generally, on the retreat of an Indian army, so great was 
the dispersion that some days elapsed before the direction 

16 



242 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

of flight taken by the principal body could be ascertained. 
There were no dispositions taken to cover its escape, no 
stratagems to mask its route, cover its baggage, gain an 
advance, lay an ambuscade, or mislead a pursuer. All 
impediments to flight were successively abandoned, and a 
retreat became a sauve qui pent. This result is attributable 
partly to the want of discipline and to defective leadership, 
which leaves every individual to rely more on himself than 
on his commander (Blacker, "War", 162). 

Juhar. This well-known Hindu practice of killing women 
and children to prevent their falling into the enemy's hand 
was once, I find, proposed for adoption by a small body 
of Mughals under Khwajah Asa^d Khan (son of Mubariz 
Khan), when surrounded hy an overwhelming body of 
Mahrattahs {Jhval-i-kliawaqm, fol. 194«). 

Proclamation of Victory, Horn, 109. When the day was 
won, the victor ordered his drums to strike up and his 
horns to blow, both to announce the victory to his own 
side and to produce further disheartenment among his 
opponents. Sometimes, to re-animate the drooping energies 
of his men, a general would order his drums to beat as 
for a victory, in the hope that they would be cheated into 
the belief that the day was going favourably for them, and 
thus inspirited, might turn an imagined into a real success. 

Pillars of heads. It was the custom for a subordinate 
commander to accompany his despatch announcing any 
success with as many heads of the slain as could be col- 
lected. This was a survival of the Central Asian practice 
of erecting a pillar or pyramid formed of the heads of the 
dead enemy. There are two cases in Budaoni, ii, 17, 169, 
Lowe, 10, 172. In 964 h. (1556-7) Akbar built a pyramid 
of heads at Panipat; again in 981 h. (1573-4) near Alimad- 
abad, he did the same. There are also several instances of 
heads being sent in during the reigns of 'Alamgir and 
Bahadur Shah. For example, Danishmand Khan tells us, 
entry of 18tl^ Ramazan 1119 h., i1^^ Dec. 1707, that an 



CONDUCT OF A BATTLE. 243 

imperial officer, after taking the Jat fort of Sansani, near 
Matliura, sent in one thousand heads in ten carts, along 
with the weapons taken. Nicolao Manucci also speaks, 
Phillipps 1945, Part i, p. 85, of having seen piles of 
heads, once as many as ten thousand heads; and in his 
many journeys between Agrah and Dihli (1656 — 1680), 
he always saw fresh heads in the niches made for them 
on the pillars. In 1122 h. (1711) Mhd Amin Khan, 
when announcing the capture of Sihrind, sent in six 
cart-loads of heads, and reported that the rest had been 
built into a pillar {minar), Kam Raj, ^Ibrat-namah^ fol. 435. 
Again in 1715, in Farrukhsiyar's reign, between two and 
three hundred heads carried on poles graced the triumphal 
entry into Dihli of the victors of Gurdaspur. And, according 
to the Ahlihclr-i'Muliahhat, fol. 279, pillars of heads were 
constructed by Ja^far Khan in 1124 h. (1712) on the edge 
of the high road to Hindustan, just outside Murshidabad, 
after he had defeated Rashid Khan. Ashob, fol. 1115, 
speaks of Sa^adat Khan Burhan-ul-mulk sending to Court 
the heads of the slain after his defeat of Bhagwant Singh, 
Khichar, in 1]48 h. (Oct. 1735). Abdullah Klian, Firuz 
Jang, who died in 1054 h., 1644-5, boasted, according to 
the MafisiT-ul'Umara ii, 788, that he had cut off 200,000 
heads, and all the way from Agrah to Patnah had built 
pillars with them. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

PARTICULAR BATTLES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 

D]\ Horn devotes many pages (71 — 105) to reproducing 
detailed battle pieces. These comprise Babar's first battle 
at Panipat, 21^^ April 1526, Babar's battle against Rana 
Sanga, IG^h March 1527, Akbar's battle at Panipat, 5tli 
Nov. 1556, the battle at Korah between Shah Shuja^ and 
""Alamglr, 3^^ Jan. 1659, and the taking of a mountain 
pass near Ajmer. Most of these serve more as specimens 
of style than as plain and direct reports of what happened 
at these actions. All of them, except Babar's own description 
of the battle of the 21st April 1526, are written in that 
deplorably inflated, rhetorical style, of which Persian and 
Indian writers are so proud, where sense is drowned in 
sound and plain facts are buried under far-fetched meta- 
phor. Such turgid stuff reduces the translator to despair 
and engenders disgust in the European reader. As will 
have been noticed. Dr. Horn brings his specimens no further 
down than the first year of ^Alamgir's reign. There was 
much fighting in the rest of that reign and in the fol- 
lowing reigns, and from the later historians it would be 
possible to put together accounts of many other battles. 
I may instance those of Jajau (1707), Agrah (1712), 
Hasanpur (1720). 

For the first of these recourse might be had to Ni'amat 
Khan (afterwards Danishmand Khan), poetically A^li. This 
well known poet and literary man, who died SO^b Rabi' 
i, 1122 H., 28tii May 1710, was appointed historiographer 



PARTICULAR BATTLES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 245 

by Bahadur Shah, and has left two descriptions of the battle 
at Jajau, in which his patron defeated a brother, A'zam 
Shah, and obtained the throne. That in the Bahadur Shah- 
namah is the simpler; the other, a separate work known as 
the Jang-?iamah, is written in the florid, full-blown manner 
which was considered requisite for such show pieces. It is 
a ver}^ clever performance; an admirable specimen of a 
detestable genre. The proportion of bread to sack may be 
known from the fact that when, after transcribing the whole 
piece, I proceeded to make an excerpt of the bare facts, I 
found that they occupied only one-fifth of the original 
space. 

Following Ur. Horn's example, 1 will give a description 
of the battle of Hasanpur, fought on the 13th Nov. 1720. 
On the 28th Sept. 1719, Muhammad Shah had been 
raised to the throne at Agrah by the two Sayyad brothers, 
^Abdullah Khan and Husain ^AlT Khan. Shortly afterwards 
(8^^h Oct. 1720), with Muhammad Shah's tacit approval, 
the younger brother was assassinated. ^Abdullah Khan 
thereupon raised another scion of the royal house. Prince 
Ibrahim, to the throne, and marched from Dihli against 
Muhammad Shah, who was coming from the south-east. 
Just before the decisive battle, the emperor's head-quarters 
were at Hasanpur, those of ^Abdullah Khan about six 
miles further north, at Biluchpur. Both places are between 
Mathura and Dihli, on the right bank of the Jamnah, in 
parganah Palwal. The authorities on which the following 
description is founded are 1) Kamwar Khan, 2) Shiu Das, 
3) Khafi Khan, 4) Mhd Qasim, LahoTl, 5) Mhd Shaff, 
Warid, 6) Khwajah 'Abd-ul-Karim, Kashmiri, and 7) Mhd 
^Umr, son of Khizr Khan. 

The Battle of Easanpur. Early in the morning of Wed- 
nesday the 13th Muharram 1133 h. (13th Nov. 1720), 
before the sun rose, Muhammad Shah mounted his elephant, 
Padshah Pasand, and took his place in the centre. Haidar 
Quli Khan was sent on ahead with the strong artillery 



246 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

force under his command '; while Khan Dauran and Sabit 
Khan were ordered to follow and support him with the 
left wing. Muhammad Khan, Bangash, and Sa'adat Khan 
were sent towards the river and the rear. Round his 
Majesty's person were the new wazir, Muhammad Amin 
Khan, and his son, Qamr-ud-dm Khan, Dil Daler Khan, 
Sher Afkan Khan, Hizbar Khan and others. Zafar Khan, 
Fakhr-ud-dm Khan, his brother. Rajah Bahadur of Kishn- 
garh, Nusrat Yar Khan, Jag Ram (Jai Singh's diwan) 
'Aziz Khan, Mir Mushrif, and Rajah Gopal Singh, Bha- 
dauriyah, were placed in charge of the main camp, which 
was at a distance of one kos from the position taken up 
by the emperor. The prisoner, Ratn Chand, diwan of 
'Abdullah Khan, was now sent for. He was brought 
before the emperor on an elephant; he was there made to 
dismount, and was at once executed. The severed head 
was thrown before the emperor's elephant and trodden 
under foot. 

' If we are to interpret Khushhal Chand literally, Berlin Ms. 495, fol. 
10d4&, Haidar Quli Khan used a telescope to make out the enemy's position. 
He says H. Q. K. at a distance of one farsakh (3 miles) saw the enemy's 
army by the eye of a dur-bln (telescope). Or is it only his "farseeing 
eye" {chashm-i-durbvi)1 A late writer (c. 1790) Rustam '^Ali, Bijnori, 
in his "History of the Rohelahs", fol. 526, states that at the battle of 
Panipat in January 1761, Ahmad Shah, Durrani, used a telescope (dnr-fctn) 
to watch the movements of the Mahrattahs. As he was writing thirty 
years after the event, I do not know whether he is to be relied on for 
such a detail. Also in the Husain Shahl of Imam-ud-din Chlsti, fol. 656, 
we have mention of the field telescope as used by Taimur Shah, son of 
Ahmad Shah, Abdali : "The king mounted his elephant and slowly inspected 
the army. From time to time he raised his telescope to his eye" {qarib- 
i-chasm-i-mubarik guzasht). This telescope produced unexpected results 
for some of the commanders: they received a severe beating from the 
sticks of the nasaqchis sent to them. A learned man standing by the 
king, puzzled by this infliction of punishment, asked what it meant. Taimur 
Shah replied : "Through my telescope I saw that these commanders were 
seated under the shade of their horses, while the men of their regiments 
were exposed to the full heat of the sun. Tomorrow I will give them robes 
of honour to console them". 



PARTICULAR BATTLES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 247 

Chura Jat, who was hovering near the army on the 
west, cut ofiP many followers and penetrated into the camp. 
But the above-named Rajahs drove him out again. Next 
the Jats attacked on the south, whence they carried off 
some goods and part of the imperial property. Zafar Khan, 
Muzaffar Khan and Muhammad Khiin, Bangash, once 
more repelled them. They then made a further attempt 
on the east side. Here Mir Mushrif and 'AlwT Khan, 
TarJn, of Lakhnau, met and defeated them. But the uproar 
was very great, and the camp followers and traders were 
so frightened, that they jumped into the Jamnah and tried 
to swim across it, many losing their lives in the attempt. 
By three o'clock the baggage camp was moved to a safer 
place, and the confusion continuing, it was again moved 
still farther off. 

When Najm-ud-dm "All Khan at the head oftheSayyad 
vanguard, appeared in the distance from the direction of 
the river, Haidar Quli Khan, the imperial Mir Atash, 
moved out his heavy cannon into the open, and encoun- 
tered the advancing enemy with a storm of balls from 
them and his field-pieces. The fire was so continuous and 
heavy that the artillery of the other side was silenced. After 
every volley Haidar QulT Khan urged on his men by lavish 
gifts of gold and silver. As the artillery advanced, the rest 
of the army followed and occupied the ground. Stimulated 
by their commander's liberality, the gunners worked zeal- 
ously, and a second set of guns were loaded by the time 
the first were discharged. Khan Dauran's troops moved in 
support of the imperial artillery, Sanjar Khan and Dost 
^AlT Khan, in command of that noble's guns, particularly- 
distinguishing themselves. The latter was wounded in the 
foot. Sayyad Nusrat Yar Khan and Sabit Khan also took 
a leading part, while Sa'adat Khan and Muhammad Klian, 
Bangash, created a diversion on the left. During the day 
a rocket fell on Sayyad 'Abdullah Khan's powder-magazine, 
exploding it and causing much loss of life. 



248 THE AMRY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Throughout the day of the iS^'i, the battle was chiefly 
one of artillery. The brunt of the fighting on 'Abdullah 
Khan's side was borne by his brother, Najm-ud-din ^Ali 
Khan, who commanded his vanguard. Originally the Sayyads 
had intended to rely on a general onset. But Rajah Muhkam 
Singh, who had deserted from the imperialists, dissuaded 
them, pointing out that to charge down on such a power- 
ful artillery as the other side possessed, would be to expose 
themselves to destruction. Their own small supply of guns 
ought, he said, to be entrenched in a good position on 
the edge of some ravine, and there they could await the 
favour of events. Although Muhkam Singh had acquired 
in the Dakhin the highest reputation as a soldier, his 
advice was not adopted. The Sayyads' artillery was placed 
on a high mound, under the shelter of some trees, near a 
deserted village, and it tried to reply to the other side's 
fire to the extent of its ability. In the field, the usual 
scattered fighting, charging and counter-charging, went on 
all day, and at one time it looked as if the imperialists 
would give way. But Khan Dauran, Sayyad Nusrat Yar 
Khan, Sabit Khan, Dost 'All Khan, Sayyad Hamid Khan 
and Asad 'All Khan by redoubled exertions prevented a 
catastrophe. In the end, some of the Sayyads' field pieces 
were taken, and they were ejected from their sheltered 
position among the trees. Najm-ud-din 'All Khan was 
wounded by an arrow near the eye ^, and a ball from a 
swivel-gun struck him on the knee. Among the chiefs who 
lost their lives were Shekh Sibghatullah of Lakhnau, three 
sons, and seventy-five of his men, 'Abd-ul-Qadir Khan, 
Thathawi, (nephew of Qazi Mir, Bahadur Shahi), 'Abd-ul- 
GhanT Khan (son of 'Abd-ur-Rahim Khan, 'Alamgiri), 
Ghulam Muhi-ud-din Khan, and the son of Shiija' Khan, 
Pal wall. Many soldiers also were slain. 

* He lost his eye from this wound, and the glass ball by which he 
replaced it was a subject of wonder to the common people for the rest 
of his life, (Ma,asir-ul-iimara, ii, 508). 



PARTICULAR BATTLES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 249 

'Abdullah Khan had decided to single out for attack 
the force under Sayyad Nusrat Yar Khan, who had com- 
mand of the advanced guard near the emperor. Against 
this man the Sayyads had a special grudge, because he, 
one of their own clan and a relation, had sided against 
them. Having swept him on one side, 'Abdullah Khan hoped 
to be able to push on to Muhammad Shah's centre {qalb). 
First of all, he tried to make his way to his objective 
from his own left, but found the river such an obstacle, 
that he changed his direction and moved across his front 
to the right of his own army. As soon as the movement 
was detected, reinforcements were sent for by Muhammad 
Shah, the centre having been left very weak. The generals 
who were thus summoned objected to quit their posts. 
The imperial artillery present with the emperor's division, 
was then despatched towards the river to bar the way, 
and part of the vanguard was also transferred to the same 
point. 

Unfortunately the change in 'Abdullah Khan's line of 
advance resulted in his being drawn away from the river 
bank, and thus his main position was now some miles 
from the water side. The battle had continued till the 
afternoon, and so far 'Abdullah Khan showed no signs of 
discouragement. But his men, more especially the new levies, 
became uneasy, and soon lost their heads completely. On 
pretence of watering their horses and camels, they rode off 
towards the river, only to find their opponents in possession 
of the banks. Group after group, on the pretext of getting 
water, left the standard. These desertions continued until 
the night fell; and all night long, from the camp to Barah- 
pulah just outside Dihli, the road was encumbered with 
fugitives. At night-fall there were not more than a few 
thousands left of the huge host that had set out from 

Dihli a few davs before. 

■/ 

At first 'Abdullah Khan had ordered a small tent to be 
put up for the night where he stood, but countermanded 



250 THE ARMY OV THE INDIAN MOGHULS, 

it, when he reflected that it would be a target for the 
enemy's fire. The night was a moonlight one, and the 
imperial artillery never ceased its fire. If any man stirred 
in the Sayyad position or showed himself, a gun was at 
once pointed in that direction and discharged; and from 
time to time the guns were dragged forward, the oxen 
being harnessed to the muzzle instead of, as usual, to the 
breach end of the gun. Among the guns in use were 
those named GhazT Khan and Shah Pasand. These heavy 
guns were fired oftener than had ever been done before 
in the recollection of the oldest man. Haidar Quli Khan 
kept up the energy of his men by continual gifts ; ^Abdullah 
Khan's continued to make ofp in small parties. Muhammad 
Shah passed the night seated on his elephant so near the 
vanguard as to be under fire. 

When day dawned on the 14th Muharram (14tiiNov. 1720), 
^Abdullah Khan found his army reduced to a few of his 
relations and his veteran troops. They were altogether not 
more than one thousand horsemen; with these he continued 
the fight to the best of his power. Najm-ud-dm 'All 
Khan and Saif-ud-dm ^\li Khan, the wazir's younger 
brothers, Sayyad Afzal Khan, High Almoner {Sadar-ns- 
sadur), Rae Tek Chand, a Bali Khatri, his chief officer, 
Ghazi-ud-din Khan (Ahmad Beg), Nawab Allahyar Khan, 
Shahjahani, and Ruhullah Khan were found among these 
faithful few, who had passed a sleepless night on their 
elephants, having seen neither food nor water for many 
hours. Access to the river-side was blocked by the Jats, 
who plundered impartially friend and foe. As dawn was 
drawing near, a ball struck the seat upon Muhkam Singh's 
elephant. The Rajah got down, mounted his horse, and 
galloped off; for many years it was not known whether 
he Avas alive or dead. 

Early in the morning, returning to his plan of the pre- 
vious day, 'Abdullah Khan, joined by Najm-ud-din "All 
Khan and many Barhah chiefs, again delivered an attack. 



PARTICULAR BATTLES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 251 

in the hope of reaching the emperor's centre. The imperial 
left opposed a stout resistance to this onset, and at length 
the Sayyads dismounted to continue the fight on foot at 
close quarters. Shahamat Khan and his son, Fatli Mu- 
hammad Khan, Tahavvar 'All Khan (better known as 
Bahadur 'All Khan), and many others on the Sayyads' side 
were slain. Darvesh 'All Khan, head of Khan Dauran's 
artillery, was killed ; Dost 'All Khan and Nusrat Yar Khan 
were severely wounded. Sa'adat Khan and Sher Afkan Khan 
were also prominent in this encounter. 'Abd-un-Nabi Khan 
and Mayah Ram, two of Haidar Quli Khan's officers, and 
Mhd Ja'far (grandson of Husain Khan) were the only other 
men of name who lost their lives on the imperial side. 

After a time the men of Khan Dauran, Haidar Qui! 
Khan, Sa'adat Khan and Muhammad Khan, Bangash, 
surrounded the ex-wazir, and an arrow struck him on the 
forehead, inflicting a skin wound. The soldiers then tried 
to make him a prisoner. But, clad although he was in chain- 
mail, he leapt to the ground sword in hand, with the in- 
tention of fighting to the death. In spite of their knowing 
his practice of fighting on foot at the crisis of a battle, 
the ex-wazir's troops, when they saw his elephant without 
a rider, imagined that their leader must have fled, and 
each man began to think of his own safety. Then Tali 'Yar 
Khan charged at the head of his men, and cut down Shekh 
Nathu, commanding 'Abdullah Khan's artillery; the Raj- 
puts, coming up, took possession of the Shekh's body, and 
carried it to the imperial camp. Najm-ud-dm 'Ali Khan 
and Ghazi-ud-din Khan did their best to rally their men, 
but no one paid them any heed. Shuja'at-uUah Khan, 
Zujfiqar 'All Khan, and 'Abdullah Khan, Tarln, fled. 
Even Saif-ud-din 'All Khan, the ex-wazTr's brother, thought 
the day was lost, and left the field along with two or 
three hundred men, taking with him Prince Ibrahim, who 
abandoned his elephant and mounted a horse. His elephant 



252 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

and imperial umbrella were afterwards found, and taken 
by Muhammad Shah's men. The feebleness of the defence 
would be fully proved, if we believe, as Warid tells us, 
that after two days' fighting, only forty men were left 
dead on the field. 

Najm-ud-din ^Ali Khan, a drawn sword in his hand, rode 
on to enquire after and search for his brother. He found 
^Abdullah Khan standing on the ground quite alone, and 
although wounded in the hand, still fighting like a lion, 
while on every side the crowd of assailants grew greater 
every minute. Still not one of them had the courage to 
lay hands upon him; one of Khan Dauran's men had 
wounded him on a finger of the right hand, but the 
Nawab returned the blow by a cut, which struck the 
man's leg and his horse's shoulder. Najm-ud-din 'All Khan 
dismounted from his elephant and joined his brother. 
""Abdullah Khan called out to him "Behold the inconstancy 
of Fortune, and the end of all earthly greatness!", adding 
a verse of Sa^di, Shirazi, fitting to the occasion ^ Haidar 
Quli Khan, who had noticed that the howdah of 'Abdullah 
Khan's elephant was empty, made enquiries, and was in- 
formed by one of his soldiers that the Nawab was on foot 
and wounded. Coming up at once with a led elephant, 
Haidar Quli Khan addressed the Sayyad, in the humblest 
manner, with words of praise and flattery. ''Was he not 
a well-wisher, and was not his life one with his? Except 
to set forth for the presence of the emperor, what course 
was there left?" Najm-ud-din 'All Khan made a movement 
to cut the speaker down, but 'Abdullah Khan held his 

' Khizr Khan, who took part in the battle as one of the Sayyad army, 
was near enough to know that ''Abdullah Khan called out, but from the 
uproar could not hear his words. Some years afterwards (1138 h.) he 
met at Mathura, Najm-ud-din ''Aii Khan, then on his way to Ahmadabad, 
and obtained from him the details in the text. Khafi Khan, ii, 933, on 
the contrary, makes out that A. K. claimed aman (safety for life) by 
announcing himself as a Sayyad. 



PARTICULAR BATTLES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 253 

brother back. Then, with a haughty and dignified air, 
he took Najiu-ud-din 'All Khan's hand and mounted the 
elephant. Haidar Quli Khan followed on his own elephant, 
and conducted his prisoners to the emperor, Muliammad 
Shah. 

His hands bound together by Haidar Quli Khan's shawl, 
'Abdullah Khan was brought before Muhammad Shah. 
Saluting him with a "Peace be upon you", the emperor 
said "Sayyad! you have yourself brought your affairs to 
this extremity". Overcome with the disgrace, 'Abdullah 
Khan answered only "It is God's will". Muhammad Amin 
Khan, unable to contain himself, leapt from the ground 
with joy, and exclaimed "Let this traitor to his salt be 
confided to this ancient servitor". But Khan Dauran, in 
respectful terms, intervened. "Never! never! Make not the 
Sayyad over to Muhammad Amin Khan, for he will at 
once slay him in an ignominious manner, and such a deed 
is inadvisable. What did FarrukhsTyar gain by the murder 
of Zujfiqar Khan ? Let him remain with Haidar Quli Khan, 
or be made over to the emperor's own servants". The 
prisoner was accordingly made over to Haidar Quli Khan, 
along with Najm-ud-din 'All Khan, his brother, whose 
wounds were so severe that he was not expected to recover. 
Hamid Khan, TuranT, was also taken a prisoner and brought, 
bare-headed and bare-footed, before his cousin, Muhammad 
Amin Khan, and Khan Dauran. The wazTr calmed his 
fears and assured him of being tenderly dealt with. There 
were many other prisoners, among theui the chief being 
Sayyad 'All Khan, (brother of Abu j Muhsin Khan, Bakhshi) 
and 'Abd-un-nabi Khan. 

On the Sayyads' side the entrenchments were held and 
the fight maintained by GhazT-ud-din Klian and others for 
nearly an hour after the capture of 'Abdullah Khan. 
When at length they were satisfied that the day was lost, 
they desisted. Ghazi-ud-dln Klian with such baggage as 



254 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

could be saved, followed by AUahyar Khan and many others, 
moved off and marched straight for Dihli; while the Barhah 
Sayyads endeavoured to cross the Jamnah, in order to make 
their way to their homes. Saif-ud-dln 'All Khan had brought 
Prince Ibrahim off the field of battle, but owing to the 
entire absence of carriage, was obliged to leave him in the 
orchard of Qutb-ud-din Khan close to the village of Nekpur. 
Saif-ud-dln ""All Khan went home to Jansath, sending Baqir 
'All Khan and Khizr Khan to Dihli to bring away the 
Sayyad women and dependents. These messengers reached 
the capital before the emperor, and carried off the ladies 
and children to the Sayyads' country. 

To return to the field of battle. The Moghul soldiery, 
as their custom was, took to plundering, and appropriated 
to themselves whatever horses, camels, mules, and cattle 
fell into their hands. Churaman Jat followed suit, and 
plundering both sides with strict impartiality, made off with 
his booty to his own country. Among his spoils were over 
one thousand baggage oxen and camels, which had been 
left negligently on a high sandy mound close to the river, 
several camel-loads of goods meant for charitable distri- 
bution, and the records of the Grand Almoner's department. 

Reports of Battles. Somewhat in the same way that 
after a battle a modern general sends off a despatch to 
his superiors, a Moghul commander prepared and submitted 
a report (^arsah-ddsht) to the emperor. Often he also drew 
up a separate description of the fight for distribution to 
his friends and equals. These latter papers were styled 
tfmiar, or roll, (a word which had another technical signi- 
fication in the finance department). If the emperor was 
especially satisfied with any general, he gave orders that 
the victory should be recorded in the imperial diary of 
proceedings (the waqi^ah), equivalent to our gazette. Many 
specimens of battle reports sent in from Bundelkhand by 
Muhammad Khan, Bangash, will be found in Sahib Rae's 
Khujista/i Kaldni ; and the same work contains a tUmdr 



PARTICULAR BATTLES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 255 

circulated by Nizam-ul-mulk after his victory over Sayyad 
Dilawar 'All Khan, Rajah Ehim Singh, Hada, and others. 
Stratagems of War. Dr. Horn, 70, states that deceit and 
stratagem did not play a leading part in Moghul warfare. 
This may be so, still they were not unknown. Of a character 
similar to the pretended desertion, in order to obtain in- 
formation of the enemy's plans and strength, which was 
employed by Rumi Khan at Chunar in 1538 (Horn, 71, 
quoting Erskine, ii, 140, note), is a plot put into execution 
once by Nizam-ul-mulk. In the middle of 1720, when 
about to fight for supremacy in the Dakhin against Sayyad 
'Alim 'All Khan, governor of Aurangabad, he arranged 
with one of his principal officers that a fictitious dispute 
about pay should be raised, that the officer should behave 
disrespectfully, and after receiving his money, should desert 
to 'Alim 'All Khan's camp. So said, so done. After an 
altercation, Nizam-ul-mulk paid the man and let him go. 
When he reached the Sayyad's camp, this officer was received 
with honour and taken into the Sayyad's service. But on 
the day of battle, as secretly agreed on with Nizam-ul- 
mulk, the deserter turned his men traitorously on 'Alim 
'All Khan's rear, and bringing him under two fires contri- 
buted materially to his defeat (Shiii Das, fol. 425). 

Ambush {ha kamm-gdh nisldstan) was not an uncommon 
stratagem. Matchlock men were hidden in high crops, or 
on the edge of a ravine, at a spot where the opposite 
leaders would most probably pass. At the proper moment 
a volley would be discharged, and occasionally with deadly 
effect. It was in this manner that Qaim Khan, nawab of 
Farrukhabad, and many of his chief officers lost their lives 
on th7 12th Zuj Hijjah, 1162 h. (22^^^ Nov. 1749), see 
J. A.S. B. for 1878, p. 381. An ambush was not unfre- 
quently supplemented by pretended flight, so arranged as 
to draw the pursuers on and bring them under fire. We 
have an instance of this in Nizam-ul-mulk 's fight with 
Sayyad Dilawar 'All Khan in Barar on the 19tii June 1720. 



256 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Between the two forces there were deep ravines, where a 
large army could have been effectually concealed. Nizam- 
ul-mulk sent out his guns and placed them in position, so 
as to command from both sides the only road across this 
ravine. His advanced guard was concealed in the hollows 
on each side. Then two or three men, closely resembling 
the Nawab in beard and features and age were dressed up, 
placed on elephants, and sent out to represent Nizam-ul- 
mulk at the head of his main body, which showed itself 
in front of the entrance to the ravine. Dilawar ^Ali Khan's 
men came straight at their foe, and were drawn on and 
on by a simulated retreat. Anxious to slay or capture the 
opposite leader, who as they believed was in command, 
they pursued steadily, disposing on their way of several 
pretended Nizam -ul-mulks. When Sayyad Sher Khan at 
length brought his elephant close to that of ^Iwaz Khan, 
the Moghul by a sign caused his elephant to kneel, and 
by this trick, escaped with his life. AVhen the ravine was 
reached, the guns did their work; and their leaders being 
killed, the rest of Dilawar ^Ali Khan's army dispersed 
(Shiti Das, 37^, M. Qasim Lahori, 314, TariklU-muzajJan, 
fol. 183). ~ 

This device of having "six Richmonds in the field" was 
not unusual, it having been put in practice against us in 
our own early fighting in the Dakhin (R. O. Cambridge, 
"War", Introd. xi). It was also resorted to earlier in the 
century by Sa'^adat Khan, Burhan-ul-mulk, founder of the 
Audh family. The Khichar zamindars of parganah GhazTpur 
in sirkar Korah, sub ah Allahabad, had long given trouble 
to the imperial officers, although several ineffectual attempts 
had been made to reduce them to order. At length, the 
Sirkar was made over to Burhan-ul-mulk; and on the 
10th Jamadi ii, 1148 h. (27^^ Oct. 1735) that noble while 
on his way from Audh to Dihli, undertook to eject the 
then zamindar, Bhagwant Singh, son of Udaru. When the 
contending parties came face to face, a servant, clad in 



PARTICULAR BATILES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 257 

rich robes belonging to the Nawab, was placed upon the 
Nawab's elephant. Burhan-ul-mulk took his seat upon 
another. Several fierce attacks on the suppositious Nawab 
were repelled successfully. Finally, the Rajput chief gathered 
together some seven hundred men, and fully resolved on 
death or victory, made his way to the centre of the Ma- 
homedan army, which he reached at the head of only 
forty to fifty men. Then, with not more than seven or 
eight men left, he arrived close to the leader's elephant. 
Bhagwant Singh knew the Nawab's attire, and thought he 
was in presence of Burhan-ul-mulk himself. Before the 
Mahomedans could attempt a rescue, he pulled the supposed 
leader out of his high-sided seat i^iman) and slew him, 
with rejoicings at having successfully carried out his enter- 
prize. But Burhan-ul-mulk, who had stood aloof, now 
ordered one of his officers to advance with five hundred 
men, and in a few moments Bhagwant Singh was slain. 
The body was skinned and the skin filled with straw -. 
then, with its head and that of the rebel's son, it was 
sent to Dihli ; where in Sha'ban of the same year Rustam 
^Ali, Shahabadi, saw them hanging in the main street, 
near the chief police office (Nadir-uz-zamanl, B,M. Or, 1844, 
fol. 152«, 1523, and Rustam 'All, fol. 2683). 

When a leader took to flight on his elephant, it was 
not unusual for him to change places with the driver in 
order to escape molestation in case of pursuit and capture 
(Fitzclarence, 133). 

Night surprizes (shah-ldiUn, night-blood, or shah-c/lr, night- 
seizing) were also a form of stratagem not unfrequently 
employed. It was in this way that Ahmad Khan, Bangash, 
on the 1st August 1750, attacked and overcame the 
superior force of Naval Rae on the bank of the Kali-nadi 
river near Khudaganj (13 miles east of Farrukhabad). The 
Pathans started during heavy rain at three hours after 
sunset, and avoiding by a long detour the front of Naval 
Rae's position, they got round to his rear near the river. 

17 



258 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

An hour and a half before sunrise, when it was so dark 
that you could not tell friend from foe, the attack was 
delivered. Naval Rae's guns were fired at random and did 
no execution, he was killed, and his troops dispersed. 

Statistics of Losses. Dr. Horn devotes one section of 
his work (xiii, pp. 113 — 115) to the subject of losses in 
battle. Here again, as in the question of the total number 
present, or the strength of particular divisions, T agree 
with him that to obtain any idea of the numbers of killed 
or wounded is exceedingly difficult, historians either omitting 
to mention them, or if they do so, contradicting each other 
irreconcilably. After a battle no attempts were made to 
ascertain the losses or count the slain. Any statements that 
w^e may meet with are thus mere guesses, and we may be 
quite certain that they are much exaggerated for the de- 
feated, and much diminished for the victorious army. From 
these causes such statements are quite worthless, and can 
form no basis for the calculation of percentages, or such- 
like strict arithmetical treatment. Incidentally, we learn 
from passing allusions the severity of the losses in a battle, 
or the number of the slain in some special group of those 
who were present. Thus, after the battle of Jajau, fought 
on the 18th J^ne 1707, we are told that the defeated 
fugitives made off towards Gwaliyar "and so many lost 
their lives on the way at the hands of Jat plunderers and 
the Rohelahs of Dholpur, that the ravines leading to the 
Chambal were encumbered with decaying bodies" (Kamwar 
Khan). Another Avriter, Khushhal Chand, fol. 373«, tells 
us that the loss on both sides in this battle is said to have 
amounted to ten thousand men. As to losses among a 
particular group, or of men from one town, we have an 
instance in the Tahsirat-mi-nazinn of Sayyad Muhammad, 
BilgramT, who informs us, under the year 1163 h., that 
thirty seven men from Bilgram lost their lives on Naval 
Rae's side, when he w^as attacked by Ahmad Khan, Bangash, 
near Khudaganj. Scattered notices of this sort might be 



PARTICULAR BATTLES, STRATAGEMS, LOSSES. 259 

collected. But of what value would they be? They might 
enable us to sav whether the fio'htinof had been severe or 
not. But as we do not know the total strength and have 
only vague accounts of the losses, how can any minute 
calculations be made? The figures, such as they are, for 
nine battles in the time of Babar and Akbar will be found 
collected in a table on p. 115 of Dr. Horn's essay. De la 
Flotte, i, 258, who knew something of the south of India 
between 1758 and 1760, is of opinion that battles were 
much less bloody than in Europe. 

Slain and toounded. Plundering of the slain and wounded 
seems to have been universal ; the camp followers were 
those chiefly concerned, but the fighting men were not 
above lending a hand. In reading the memoir of Colonel 
Skinner's life, a man half Indian by blood and wholly 
so by education, one is struck with his exultation over a 
piece of valuable plunder, and his obvious belief that it 
was a legitimate source of income. The dead bodies left 
on a field of battle do not seem to have been usually 
buried, they were left to lie as they fell; but once or twice 
we are told of their being collected in great pits, which 
were styled ganj-i-shahld, or martyr store-houses. For an 
instance, see Rustam ^Ali, I'arikh-i- Hindi, fol. %\lb. The 
wounded seem to have been left mostly to their fate; there 
was no organization for their succour, nor any attempt to 
heal their wounds; this was left to their relations or friends. 



CHAPTER XXIIT. 

FORTS AND STRONGHOLDS. 

As early as Alexander's time the Indians possessed walled 
and fortified towns (Mc Crindle, Invasion of India, 119). 
The practice of building such strong places was never 
abandoned, and by the sixteenth century, when the Moghul 
rule began, petty forts held by chiefs of Hindu clans or 
by grantees from Mahomedan sovereigns, were scattered 
thickly over the country. Speaking of the Mahratta terri- 
tory at the end of the W^ century, Colonel Blacker, 305, 
believed that no province of the same extent in India, or 
perhaps in any part of the world, possessed so many fortressess. 

In the plains of the Ganges and Indus, these forts were 
usually placed on an artificial mound, the earth for which 
was taken from the foot of the site, thus forming on one 
or more sides a large pond or marsh, which protected the 
fort from a sudden attack. As a rule these forts consisted 
of four high walls, enclosing a rectangular space; they 
were provided with a bastion or tower at each corner; 
and had a fortified gate on one side, the entrance lane 
turning several times at right angles before arriving at the 
interior of the place. This narrow tortuous entrance lane 
was generally enfiladed with guns and loop-holed on every 
side. These gates with their intricate passages are well 
described by R. Orme ("Mil. Trans." i, 320, Trichinoply), 
and in the south of India generally by Lake, "Sieges", 56, 
who considered the gateways the strongest part of the 
Indian forts. The outer walls were generally of clay and 
very thick : they were loop-holed for musketry, round 



l^ORTS AND STRONGHOLDS. 261 

earthen-ware pipes being inserted in the walls for this 
purpose (Fitzclarence, 245, Orme, ''Mil. Trans." ii, 203, 
255). If the owner were lucky enough to have any wall- 
pieces, they would be mounted on the flat roofs of the 
houses built against the inside of the wall. These outer 
walls might be from twenty to thirty feet in height. Such 
a stronghold was safe against any small force, and with 
the means then in use, could hardly be reduced except 
by starvation. At the more important places they added 
one and sometimes two ditches, together with outworks, 
so as to render regular approaches necessary (E. Lake, 
"Sieges", 11). In hilly country and in the Dakhin the 
fortresses were of much more elaborate construction. Of 
these I shall speak in a subsequent paragraph. 

Bound Hedge. As an additional protection, such places 
were often surrounded by a thick plantation of thorny trees 
or an impenetrable screen of bambus. Some of the latter 
were of great depth and in the operations in Rohilkhand 
during the suppression of the Mutiny of 1857, our troops 
came across bambu hedges which a cannon ball was unable 
to penetrate. This was no new thing. For instance, Khushhrd 
Chand, fol. 177r/, tells us that when Muhammad Shah 
came in 1158 h. (1745) to besiege 'All Muhammad Khan, 
Rohelah, in Bangarh, he found "a great wilderness of bambus 
round the fort, through which the wind even found its 
way with difficulty ; quick-handed diggers and axemen were 
collected to cut this down and uproot it". Again, in 1805 
we found Rampur in the same province surrounded by a 
bambu hedge thirty feet thick (Thorn, ''War", 435). In 
the same way, it was in Bundelkhand the usual custom 
to protect a fort by a wide belt of thorny jungle; and in 
1140 H. (1728) Muhammad Khan, Bangash, when reporting 
to DihlT his campaign there, speaks of these jungles as 
retarding his operations considerably. 

Going to an entirely different part of India, we find 
that the town adjoining the fortress of Ahmadnagar in 



262 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

the Dakliin had inside a low wall an immense prickly-pear 
hedge about twenty feet high. No human being could pass 
it without cutting it down, a work of the utmost diffi-. 
culty, as it presented on every side the strongest and most 
pointed thorns imaginable. Being full of sap, fire would 
not act upon it, and an assailant while employed in clearing 
it, would be exposed to the enemy's matchlocks from behind 
it; thus it was stronger than any abbatis or other barrier 
(Fitzclarence 241). We find another good instance of the 
adoption of these protective belts of jungle in the case of 
Bobili, 1.40 miles N. E. of Vizagapatnam , which was 
attacked by Bussy in 1757: ''An area of five hundred 
yards or more in every direction is preserved clear, of which 
the circumference joins the high wood, which is kept thick, 
three or four miles in breadth, around this centre. Few 
of these forts admit more than one path through the 

wood The path admits only three men abreast, winds 

continually, is everywhere commanded by breast-works in 
the thicket, and has in its course several redoubts, similar 
to that at the entrance, and like that flanked by breast- 
works on each hand" (R. Orme ''Mil. Trans.", ii, 256). 
In early Anglo-Indian writers, for instance Wilks, iii, 217, 
such plantations are styled a "bound-hedge", of w^hich 
definitions will be found in the glossaries of Major Dirom's 
and Lieut. Moor's works. "Bound-hedge" = quasi "Boundary 
hedge"? 

Hill Forts. In the parts of India where detached emi- 
nences, often of great extent, are found, these were com- 
monly selected for the sites of fortresses. The most cele- 
brated of these in Northern India were the two forts of 
Ruhtas, one in the Panjab, the other in Bahar, Kalinjar 
in Bundelkhand, Chitor in Mewar. Further south there 
were Asirgarh in Khandesh, Daulatabad ^ near Aurangabad, 
and many others equally celebrated. Forts on the tops of 

' There is a good view of this fortress as the frontispiece to Fitzclarence's 
"Journal". 



FORTS AND STRONGHOLDS. 263 

hills were extremely numerous in the Dakliin. In that 
part of the country there was generally a walled town (or 
pettah) at the foot of the liill, and the fort itself was pro- 
vided with two or more enceintes. Tn the Dakhin stone 
walls were common, that material being abundant. Lake, 
205, is of opinion that many of these hill forts, if properly 
defended, were absolutely impregnable, unless by the tedious 
process of strict blockade. On the contrary, he thought the 
fortresses in the plains exceedingly weak (id. 208). 

Places of Befage. Most of the petty semi-independent 
princes were careful to provide themselves with some fort 
or place of safety, generally situated in a country difficult 
of access and at some distance from their capital. Here 
their reserves of treasure and munitions of war were stored 
and carefully guarded. Ranthambhur used to furnish such 
a store-house for the rajahs of Jaipur; and as will be re- 
collected, the rajahs of Banaras provided such places at 
Latifpur and Bijigarh, in the hills south-east of Mirzapur. 

Walled Toions. Tn the western half of Northern India, 
walled towns were frequent; all the principal places being 
provided with a high brick wall. In that part of the country, 
even the smallest village was capable of some defence, the 
flat-roofed, clay-built huts being huddled very close together, 
and the only entry being through a few narrow, tortuous 
paths between the houses. Some of the largest towns had 
walls as well as fortresses, as for instance Lahor and Dihli. 
At these places the fortress was built in one corner of the 
town, a continuation of the town wall forming its outer side. 
Such strongholds were palace as well as fortress, and covered 
a considerable extent of ground. Other towns, such as 
Agrah and Allahabad, although they possessed first-class 
fortresses, had no wall round the town itself. In their case, 
the fortress stood apart from the rest of the town. 

Technical loords. I insert here such technical terms 
connected with fortification as I have come across in my 
reading. The names for a fort were hisar (Steingass 421), 



264 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

hasin (id. 422), qal^ah, qWah (id. 984), and h. garh. A 
small fort or redoubt was a qal^ahchah (Steingass, 985) or 
garhi. To be invested was malisar or mahsun shudan: to 
invest was mahasarah kardan. The wails were collectively 
bnrj harah, the former word meaning a bastion, a tower, 
(Steingass, 170) and the latter, the curtain, the walls, 
fortifications (id. 142). The Central Asian word for the 
curtain of a fort was badan, see Mujniil-ut'tankh bad 
JSadirlyah, p. 79, line 13. The battlements were hungur, 
kangurah, (St. 1056); the ditch was khandaq. Fasilm^Q 
dictionary (St. 931) is defined as breastwork inside a 
fortification, an entrenchment, wall, rampart; but I believe 
that strictly speaking it meant the platform running round 
the inside of the wall, on which the guns were mounted, 
or from which the defenders fired. (J. Shak. 1494). It is 
apparently what Europeans call the terre-plein (Lake, 113, 
Voyle, 428). ^afU (Shak. 1292) was a vulgar form of the 
same word. Ashob, fol. 284«, speaks of the Chhatah-i-qilah 
at Shahjahanabad. I cannot find any meaning for this. Is 
it only chhat, the Hindi for roof? The word khakrez in 
Mujmil'Ut'tarikh ba'^d Nadir'igah, p. 78, line 12, meaning 
"foot of the wall", "the glacis", does not seem to have 
been in use in India. 

Goonga. 1 cannot restore the true form of this word, as 
I have not found it except in books by Europeans. Can 
it be intended for kungur, battlements? In the "Military 
Memoir of Col. Skinner", i, 230, we have at the taking 
of HansT in Dec. 1801, the passage: "we commenced 
mining, and advanced to within ten yards of the crown 
work, called in Hindustani goongas\ On id., 266, the 
word is spelt goonju : "these brave fellows stood upon the 
goo7ijus for a full hour, under one of the heaviest fires of 
musketry and great guns I have seen", (this was at the 
siege of 'AlTgarh by Lake in 1803). 

Kummurgah {Kamrgali). I find this word used for the 
second line of defence at Aslrgarh in the Uakhin (Blacker, 



FORTS AND STRONGHOLDS. 265 

"War", 420). This is a metaphorical use of kamrgah, the 
place where the belt is placed, the waist (Steingass, 1049). 
As Lake explains, 156, "it has been aptly styled kum- 
murgah (or the belt)". 

Tlaunee, Bainee, Benny, Fitzclarence, 110, saw at Nagpur 
"a fine piece of masoury" in front of and covering the 
bottom of the wall "which I suppose to be what is in this 
country called a rainee, similar to a fausse-braye" ^ And 
ao'ain, id. 245 : "thouofh thev do not understand the con- 
struction or advantages of a glacis, they saw the necessity 
of covering the foot of the wall from an enemy's fire, and 
formed a defence, similar to our fausse-braye, which they 
call rainee\ Thorn, 400, speaking of Hathras fort (now in 
the ^Aligarh district, N. W. P.) says "a renny wall, with 
a deep, dry, broad ditch behind it, surrounds the fort". 
James Skinner, "Mil. Mem.", i, 172, spells it rounee, and 
Fraser erroneously translates "counterscarp", being as Yule 
says "nonsense as well as incorrect". Blacker, "War", 299, 
writes "Sholapur had a fausse-braye of substantial masonry". 
1 suppose this was a rauni or rainee. Such a wall is shown 
in his plan and sections of Malligam (Plate 31). This was 
about twenty feet high, and about fifty feet from the main 
wall. The word raunee is used by him on plate 38 (Asir- 
garh) ; and here the secondary wall stood at the foot of a 
slope, about eighty feet from the main wall. The derivation 
of the word roiinee is a puzzle: Yule, 583, says it is the 
Hindi word raoni, but suggests no etymology and admits 
that it is not in either Shakespear or Wilson. Can it have 
any connection with a word in J. Shakespear, 1189, rmdhna, 
to surround or enclose as with a hedge? Fallon evidently 
did not know it, and in his "Eng. Hind. Dictionary", 264 
renders "fausse-braye" by Blms, Matti ka piishtah, equi- 
valents which also show fairly well that he had no clear 
idea of what a fausse-braye was. 

' Moor, '^Narrative", (Glossary, 504) "Fausse-braye, a work between 
the ditch and curtain: not much adopted by modern engineers". See also 
E. Lake, "Sieges", 219, and note. 



266 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Sang-andaz. Budaom, ii, 146, uses this word when des- 
cribing the fort of Surat. This is here evidently "embrasure", 
and so translated by Lowe, 150. Steingass, 703, has sang- 
afkan and sang-andaz, a loophole in a fortress. But a 
passage in the Majasir-ul-umara, i, 76, referring to the 
siege of Dharwar in the Dakhin in Shahjahan's reign, would 
lead one to infer that sang-andaz was a pathway or tunnel, 
down which stones were literally thrown. 

Damaghah. When Sindh was taken by us, we found 
"Karachi surrounded by a tall wall, tipped with fancy 
crenelles and perpendicularly striped with what the Persians 
call Damagheh, or nostril holes, down which the besieged 
could pour hot oil or boiling water" ("Life of Capt. Sir 
R. F. Burton", i, 126). Possibly the derivation might be 
from damaghah (Steingass, 534), the crest of a falcon or 
similar bird. We have an instance of the use of boiling oil 
at Ak bar's siege of Asirgarh (Von Noer, French trans., 
ii, 336, Horn, 128). 

Descriptions of small Forts. I find a good description 
of a petty Rajah's fort in W. H. Russell's "My Diary in 
India", ii, 318. Although this was written in 1858, it is 
quite as applicable to an earlier time. "The low bank of 
earth was the outer parapet of the fort of Amethi (in 
south-east Audh), with a very deep ditch of irregular 
profile separating it from the level of the field. It was 
some time ere we made out the entry. The gateway was 
approached by a dam across a ditch full of water, which 
was dominated by a bastion with the embrasures directed 
upon the dam. A sort of causeway at the other bank led 
us to a high gateway in a mud curtain, which was also 
flanked by a musketry fire and by a few embrasures. The 
lines of all the works were exceedingly irregular. The gates 
were of wood, studded and clamped with iron". 

Again, this time in Bundelkhand, we get the following 
description of the ordinary native fort (Fitzclarence, 59). 
"These forts are in general of mud, but from six to twelve 



FORTS AND STRONGHOLDS. 267 

feet at the bottom of the wall are often of masonry. They 
are surrounded by a deep ditch, and the defences consist 
of small round-towers connected by curtains. Some of them 
have two or three lines of these walls and towers within 
each other. On the glacis are generally large excavations 
for grain; but this, of course, is only in dry situations. 
The mud walls receive the shot without being shattered, 
and they are in consequence very difficult to breach". A 
similar description applying to the southernmost part of 
India, is to be found in Wilks, ii, 95. 

Blacker, "War", 229, gives a good general description 
of the small forts in the Dakhin. "Tmagine a mound of 
earth of about one hundred and fifty yards diameter and 
about sixty or seventy feet high. Then the sides of this 
are scarped off by labour, and the prominent parts shaped 
into flanking towers. Let the whole be reveted and sur- 
mounted by a parapet, and then only an entrance will be 
wanted. A gateway pierced in the revet ement of a re- 
entering angle, something lower than the interior of the 
fort, will form the inner communication, and on each side 
will be projected a tower to flank it and to plunge a fire 
into the next (gateway?). This will be found in a lower 
wall, the extremities of which will terminate in the revete- 
ment of the place, inclosing a small space ; and it will be 
likewise flanked by projecting towers, independent of the 
defences being loop-holed. These works, it is evident, may 
be frequently repeated; and the form of the traverses as 
well as the relative position of the gates continually varied; 
but the general practice avoids placing two successive gates 
exactly opposite, and the outer aperture is invariably on 
lower ground than that next within, to favour the ascent. 
On some occasions so much earth may be scarped off as 
to form a high glacis, which makes the space left between 
it and the wall actually a ditch; but in very few cases is 
a ditch actually excavated round a garhi". 

Particular Forts. 1 have collected from European writers 



268 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

the descriptions of a good many Indian fortresses; and 
I have no doubt that many more such notices are in 
existence. I append a list of those I have seen, arranged 
in alphabetical order with references. 

Ahnadnagar. Fitzclarence, 241, a detailed account. 

Ajaigarh. Fitzclarence, "Journal", 62; Pogson,''Boondelas", 
136, in whose book a plan, a general view of the east 
face, and of the breach at the N. W. gateway may be seen. 

'Allgarh. Taken by the English on the 4tli Sept., 1803: 
it was of European design. Thorn, "War", description on 
p. 102, view on plate 3. 

Aslrgarh. Blacker, "War", a description on p. 414, two 
views, one from the north and one from the east, and on 
Plate 38 plan and sections. 

Bhartpiir. This town and its fortifications are described in 
Lord Combermere's "Memoirs". Vol. ii, p. 236. 

Chinglapat. Description by John Call, chief Engineer, 
Madras, in Cambridge, "War", appendix. 

Baulatahad. A detailed account in Fitzclarence, 216, 
and also in Anquetil Duperron, "Zend Avesta", 1, ccli. 
Anquetil visited the place on the IS^^i April 1758, when 
it was held by a French officer on behalf of M. Bussy. 

Dhctrwar. A view and description in Moor, "Narrative", 39. 

HatJiras. Fitzclarence, "Journal", has a plate of it oppo- 
site p. 18. 

Kalinjar. This place is fully described in Pogson, "Boon- 
delas", 148 — 157; he tells the story of the siege of 1812 
on pp. 139—147. 

Nagpur. Described in Fitzclarence, "Journal", 110, Lake, 
"Sieges", 35. 

Trichinopolg. There is a description of this fortress by 
Col. Stringer Lawrence in R. O. Cambridge, "War", 15. 

Imperial Fortresses. In the official manuals we have 
several lists of these places. The greater number of these 
forts were in the Dakhin, and in the better days of the 
Moghul period, the charge of them was committed to 



FORTS AND STRONGHOLDS. 269 

imperial officers called qildhdars, who were appointed 
direct from the capital, and were quite independent of the 
governor of the province. This arragement was rendered 
necessary from the importance of these strongholds, both 
as a means of retaining hold of the country, and owing 
to their employment as great store-houses and arsenals. 
Moreover, if left under the control of a governor, he might 
be tempted to make a try for independence, when the 
possession of one of these fortresses would contribute largely 
to his chances of success. 

I find from a list referring to the reign of ''Alamgir 
(B. M. Or. 1641 fol. 525), that there were forty-two imperial 
forts. I cannot read all the names but 1 have made out 
the following. 1) Shahjahanabad, 2) Akbarabad, 3) Lahor, 
4) Kabul, 5) Kashmir, 6) Atak, 7) Allahabad, 8) Ajmer, 
9) JhansI, 10) Gwaliyar, 11) Kalinjar, 12) Sitapur, 18) 
Taragarh, 14) Bargarh, 15) Chandu, 16) Ujjain, 17)Raesen, 
18) Ranlgarh, 19) Dohad, 20) Kakrun, 21) Ranthambhor, 
22) Ruhtas Khtird, 23) Stirat, 24) Kangrah, 25) Hunger, 
26) Jodhpur, 27) Mairtah, 28) Sambhar, 29) Ghaznain, 
80) Pishawar, 31) Zafarabad, 82) Shergarh, 33) Lankarkot. 
The identity of Nos 12, 13, 14, 18, 32^ 33, is doubtful; 
the others are well-enough known places. However, this 
list, although containing as many as forty-two places, must 
be looked on as very incomplete. In it are included none 
of the strongest places in the Dakhin, where to say the 
least, fortresses were as numerous as in Hindustan. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

SIEGES. 

In India the art of fortification remained in the same 
state as it was in Europe before the introduction of the 
regular systems. The Indians placed their reliance more on 
a strong profile than on a judicious plan; and they never 
realised the importance of the maxim that every work of 
a fortress should be fianked by some other (Lake, II). 
Blacker holds that nothing proved more forcibly their 
ignorance of the attack and defence of fortified places than 
their manifest superiority when acting on the defensive. 
A native army scarcely ever succeeded in taking a place 
which attempted resistance: it was generally reduced to 
terms through the distress caused by the force lying around 
it. On the contrary, some very vigorous defences had been 
made, prolonged by determined defence of the breach and 
by bold sallies to the trenches. Mining had found its way 
to some but not to all parts of India; but there were few 
instances of its being practised with eff'ect (Blacker, "War", 
23). In the Mujmil-ut'tanJch bad Nadirlyah, p. 78, line 7, 
it is stated that the Afghans had a practise before 
commencing a siege of killing a dog and throwing it in 
the direction of the fortress. I have never seen this men- 
tioned elsewhere, and one does not quite see what was 
symbolized by the act. 

Strong places were most commonly reduced by strict 
investment and starving out (Fitzclarence, 245). There were 
few captures by a coup de main {sar-i-suwari), the walls 
were not often breached, and rarely escaladed. Treachery 



SIEGES. 271 

within the walls was as frequent a cause of surrender as 
any other thing. In sitting down before a fortress, a Moghul 
army tried to surround it completely so as to prevent any 
ingress or egress. As Grant Duff, 165, expresses himself, 
''they never considered an army capable of undertaking a 
regular siege unless sufficiently large to surround the place 
invested and completely obstruct communications". Earth 
works {mUrchal) were thrown up, in which the siege guns 
were placed. The system of digging approaches and laying 
mines {naqb) was known and practised, at any rate in 
Northern India. No doubt. Lake, 14, holds the contrary 
view; he says ''the natives appear to be utterly ignorant 
of the art of conducting approaches by sap: and generally 
they are also unacquainted with Mining". But this opinion 
must be understood as applicable to the Dakhin only. 

There was also a plan, to which recourse was sometimes 
had, of building high towers with the branches of trees, 
and when these were of a height to command the interior 
of the place, guns were mounted on them. These were 
called slbn. Scaling ladders {narduhcin) were not unknown, 
and were occasionally brought into use. Elephants were 
frequently brought up to batter in the wooden gates of a 
fort. The Seir translator, iii, 182, note 45, says the gates, 
baing always covered by some work, could not be broken 
in except by grenades (of which the natives knew nothing), 
or by pushing against them elephants, protected by iron, 
or by setting fire to them. It was as a protection against 
elephants that the gates were studded with iron spikes; 
to meet which it was the practice to furnish the elephant 
with an iron frontlet (Fitzclarence, 137). For instance, we 
read in the SiT/ar-ul-mutakharm (translation, iii, J 81), with 
reference to an assault by the Mahrattas in 1173 h. (1759), 
that the Khizri gate of the Dihli citadel "was covered 
with sheets of brass and set thick with iron nails jutting 
out twelve inches, and an inch square at the bottom". 
Often the gateway was bricked up when a siege was im- 



272 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

minent, and this device rendered it impossible to blow it 
in. At' Cuttack in 1803, the gate was partially built up 
in this way, and we had considerable difficulty in entering 
(Lake, 211, note). 

These general remarks are borne out by a passage in 
Lake's "Sieges of the Madras Army", 14: "when one of 
their armies sits down before a place, the object appears 
rather to be to harrass the besieged and weary them out 
by a strict blockade, than to effect an entrance by breaching 
the walls: for although guns are used, they are placed at 
such a distance from the town, out of musket shot, and 
not always in battery, that their effect is uncertain, and 
even this desultory fire is only kept up at intervals during 
the day; for at night, to guard against the consequences 
of a sally, the guns are always withdrawn to the camp; 
and this ridiculous process is continued till the besieged 
are tired out, and a compromise is entered into". 

Fitzclarence, "Journal", 245, also enters at some length 
into the question. "The investment of an eastern fortress 
did not in general consist of anything beyond a blockade; 
and it will be seen by a reference to Indian history, that 
the surrender of these forts has been caused more by trea- 
chery and scarcity than by any other means, and that the 
length of some sieges in this country equal those of Troy, 
Ostend, and Mantua. The food of the Indians being almost 
entirely rice \ which is the least perishable of any article 
of subsistence, the defence of such places may be the 
longer protracted. Though the natives did not understand 
the advantage of a glacis, still they saw the necessity of 
covering the foot of the wall from the enemy's fire when 
exposed to it, and formed a defence similar to a fausse- 
braye, which they call rainee (see back, p. 265). They are 
very partial to loopholes to fire through, Each of 

1 This is not true of Hindustan, outside of Bengal. If "corn" were sub- 
stituted, the argument would still hold good, and exactitude would not 
be sacrificed. 



SIEGES. 273 

these narrow and confined [entrance] lanes is generally 
enfiladed with guns and loopholed on every side, so that 
should the enemy force the outer gate, they find them- 
selves exposed to a continuation of fresh dangers from an 
invisible garrison at every turn. 1 am not, however, a good 
judge of native fortresses, having only seen those of Chunar 
on the Ganges, of Alighur, of Agra, and Delhi. The gates 
at Agra, Alighur and Chunar are examples of this diffi- 
culty of entrance" \ 

"The Indians, in the defence of their forts, behave with 
the greatest gallantry and courage, and in this differ from 
the Europeans, who often fancy that, when a practicable 
breach is made in their walls, surrender becomes justifiable. 
But here all feel desirous of fighting man to man, and 
look upon the contest in the breach as the fittest occasion 
for meeting their enemies with sword and dagger. They 
use large heavy wall pieces called gingalls" (see ante, p. 109), 
"which send a ball of two or more ounces to a very con- 
siderable distance. Having no shells or handgrenades, they 
cast bags of gunpowder into the ditch, which exploding 
by fire thrown on them, scorch the assailants; and at times 
they have recourse to thick earthen-ware pots with fuses 
and full of pow^der, the pieces of which wound dreadfully. 
They have been known to line the sides of the ditch with 
straw thatches, and by throwing other lighted thatch on 
their enemies, envelop them in flames. Our success against 
Hatras by bombardment has been a wonderful encourage- 
ment to taking all the native forts by similar means; and 
from their having no casements, shells are the most effec- 
tive means for reducing them"; (id. 246). 

Approach by sap and mine. The word used for the galle- 
ries of approach seems to have been sdhdt. This is defined 
by the Lucknow editor of the Akbarnamah (Vol. ii, p. 245, 
note 7) as a roof {saqaf) between two walls, which is also 

I After this date tbe author also saw Daulatabiid, pp. 215—221, and 
Ahrnadnagar, 241, 242. 

18 



274 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGBULS. 

called "the path of safety" {kUchah-i'Salamat) ; sabat is, he 
says, the name of a town in Transoxiana. Steingass, 638, 
explains it as a covered passage connecting two houses. 
The ordinary Hindi word for a mine is surang (Platts, 656) 
and surang urana is to spring a mine. This mode of attack 
was known and practised. For instance Sher Shah in 952 h. 
(1545-6) at the siege of Kalinjar advanced galleries {sabat) 
to the foot of the wall, and then prepared naqb, which 
appears to mean here mines, and not the mere digging 
through of a wall (Budaoni, Text, i, 371, Ranking, 482). 
Again at a siege of Budaon in 963 h. (1555-6), the 
besiegers resorted to mining, and the commander of the 
garrison thwarted them by counter-mining, having de- 
tected the direction of their approach by putting his ear 
to the ground and listening, just as our engineers did at 
Lucknow in 1857, Budaoni, Text, i, 465 (Ranking, 599), 
and McLeod Innes' "Siege of Lucknow". And again, at 
the siege of Gurdaspur in 1715, 'Abd-us-samad Khan made 
covered ways or approaches {sabat)^ Yahya Khan, 123<7. 
Once more, at Allahabad in 1719 the imperialists worked 
their way close to the walls of the fort "and began to 
mine under the walls", and Girdhar Bahadur, believing 
that the day was lost, made overtures through Muhammad 
Khan, Bangash, {Siwrniih-i-Khizri, 13). So also at the siege 
of Agrah (July, August 1719) Haidar Quli Klian, who had 
under his command many Europeans whom he had brought 
from Surat, drove several saps towards the walls (id.). 

Sabat. According to the dictionary this is "a covered 
passage connecting two houses"; and as a military term it 
means a trench or approach made in besieging a fortress. 
According to Briggs, "Firishtah", ii, 230 (siege of Chitor) 
the sabat were constructed in the following manner. "The 
zigzags, commencing at gunshot distance from the fort, 
consist of a double wall, and by means of blinds or stuffed 
gabions covered with leather, the besiegers continue their 
approaches till they arrive near to the walls of the place 



SIEGES. 275 

to be attacked". There is another passage to the same effect 
with reference to the year 1595 and the siege of Ahmadnagar. 

The text of Firishtah is even more explicit as to the 
siege of Chitor (Lucknow edition, Maqalah ii, p. 257, 
beginning at line 22). A body of five hundred carpenters, 
stone-cutters, blacksmiths, excavators, earthworkers, and 
shovelmen were set to work to construct sabrd, ''which are 
peculiar to India". These men laboured at making sabrd 
and digging mines {naqb). ''Sabat is the name for two 
walls which are made at the distance of a musketshot; 
and under the shelter of planks and baskets which are 
held together by skins, the said walls are carried close to 
the fort. Then the matchlock men and the mine-diggers 
{naqqab) come in safety, through the wide way between 
those walls, to the foot of the fort, and there they dig a 
mine and fill it with gunpowder. When the fort has been 
breached {rakhnah shud), the rest of the array reaches the 
spot by way of the sabat, and effects an entry into the fort". 

We have the story of the same siege told by Nizam-ud- 
din in the Tabaqat-i-Ahbar Shahi, fol. 209^, line 1 7, (under 
the i2tt liahi year, the beginning of Ramazan 974 h., 
1566 A.D.). It is practically the same as Firishtah, some- 
times word for word the same. He says work was begun 
in two places. They prepared something like a lane (or 
narrow street) up to the wall of the fort. "The sabat which 
began from the emperor's entrenchment was so wide, that 
ten horsemen could ride abreast along the bottom of it; 
and so deep ' that a man seated on an elephant, holding 
a spear in his hand, could go along it". In spite of the 
shields of ox-hide, a hundred men a day were killed by 
shots from the garrison. The bodies were built into the walls. 

There was in addition a place upon which Akbar sat 

1 The word actually used is irtafd", "height", which evidently means 
"height" from the floor of the trench to the natural surface of the ground, 
or to the top of the earth thrown out on each side. In other words, what 
we call "depth", when speaking of an excavation. 



276 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

and picked off men appearing on the fortress walls. "His 
Majesty sat upon the top of a building {khanali) prepared 
for his reception upon the sahat of his entrenchment 
{murchal). He sat there matchlock in hand". Budaoni, ii, 
103, (Lowe 106), here copies and abridges Nizam-ud-din: 
and in describing the siege of Kalinjar in 952 h. (1545), 
he uses the word scibat as if he meant by it a sap or 
trench, and not a tower. 

Allowing for a certain amount of obscurity and vagueness 
in the native historians, we may, I think, assert that, so 
far, the meaning of sabdt is tolerably plain. It was a trench 
begun at some distance from a fortress, deep and wide 
enough to conceal the workers, the excavated earth being 
thrown up on each side to increase the protection. In rocky 
soil it may have been necessary to form the protecting 
wall of material, such as planks, trees, or earth, brought 
from elsewhere; but in most instances the obvious and 
easy method was to dig a trench in the ground, and use 
the earth from it to heighten the sides. But a sabat was 
not a tower or erection, built up from the surface of the 
ground. If Ab^ul Fazl had not thrown the subject into 
confusion by his use of the word sabdt in the Akbarndmah^ 
the meaning of the word would be clear enough. But he 
persists in using it as the name for a temporary tower, 
or a battering ram, as he explicitly says in ii, 261, last 
line, (Lucknow edition), describing the siege of Ranthambhur 
in the \^^^ year, 22^^ Ramazan 976 h. The besiegers of 
Ranthambur came to the conclusion that the fort could 
not be taken without recourse to sabdt, kili sarkob-i-gnrdan- 
kashdn bash ad. As to this siege Nizam-ud-din fol. 212a, 
also uses the word sdbdt, but enters into no details. 
Budaoni, ii, 107 (Lowe, 111), follows Nizam-ud-din very 
closely. 

Ab.ul Fazl persists in using sabdt in a different sense 
from everybody else. To begin with the siege of Chunar, 
Ab^ul Fazl (Lucknow edition), Book i, 114, line 6, says 



SIEGES. 277 

Rtimi Khan, ha hisMlhae tari'tb-i-sabai sakhtah. The pas- 
sage is translated by Mr. Beveridge, i, 331, "Rumi Klian, 

constructed a covered way {sdbdl) upon boats, and 

arranged such a roof [sat aha) ". But if we go to 

Jauhar, Aftabchi, my Ms. fol. \^b, or to Nizam-ud-din, 
Tabaqdt, fol. 151/5, we find that RumI Khan took three 
ijoats and built on them a battering ram {muqabll-kob). 
The passages are rendered to the same effect in Stewart, 
Tezkereh-al'Vaklat, p. 20, lines 11—25, Erskine, "Babar 
and Humayun", ii, 140, 141, BudaonT, Ranking, i, 456, 
and Elliot, "Mahomedan Historians", v, 199. In none of 
them is there a word about a sabat, nor did they ever 
dream of calling this high erection built on boats, a 
sabat. 

It is the same with Ab.ul Fazl's long account of the 
siege of Chitor, (Lucknow edition) ii, from line 11 of p. 
245, although in one place he says they made diivar-i-gilln' 
i'ariz-i-marpech, "serpentine, wide, earthen walls" ; but he 
writes elsewhere that Akbar sat aloft upon a sahat, which 
commanded the walls, and from thence he shot. How could 
a serpentine wall be a tower, from which a man shot; or 
a battering ram, as he elsewhere defines a sdhdt to be? 
Abuj Fazl has misled Count von Noer "Kaiser Akbar", i, 
234 — 240, French edition, i, 165 (Horn 121) into asserting 
that a sahat should "if possible command the walls", that 
from "the top of the sahat, cannon breach the walls of the 
fortress". Then he speaks of the rolling of movable shields. 
Dr. Horn seems here, by a reference to the tUrali (see ante 
p. 142) to identify it with the sabat. But I think the text of 
the Akbarnamali ii, 243 — 254, Lucknow edition, leads to the 
conclusion that three things were employed by Akbar at 
Chitor, 1) a long and deep trench {sabdt), 2) movable 
shields to protect the workmen {tUrah), and 3) a high 
erection commanding the walls {slba). 

Apparently open trenches were resorted to by the Mah- 
rattahs so far back as 1670 at the siege of Karnala, for 



278 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Grant Duff, 110, quoting the Bombay Records, says ''they 
advanced by throwing up breastworks of earth". 

handbags. In order to facilitate an attack, the ditch of a 
fort was at times filled up with sacks {jmvctl^ Steiugass, 
376), filled with earth. This was done at ^Alamgir's siege 
of Gulkhandah in 1097 h. (1685-6), Khafi Khan, ii, 356, 
line L We find these bags mentioned as part of the Sikh 
equipment when they advanced in 1710 against the town 
of Rahun in the Jalandhar dUahah, Khafi Khan, ii, 658, 
line 9, o juwalah-hae pur az reg, harae mUrchal hastan^ 
"and bags full of sand to make batteries". 

Movable shields. In 1710 the Sikhs, when attacking the 
town of Jalalabad in the Ganges DUabah, adopted the plan 
of using movable wooden screens, or mantlets, mounted 
on ordinary cart-wheels. These they brought close to the 
walls, and from their shelter showered bullets and arrows 
on the besieged, (Khafi Khan, ii, 656). Mantlets in general 
have been described, ante p. 142, under the word TUrah, 
when dealing with Light Artillery. 

Shatur, ^^bU. In Budaoni, Text, i, 382, we find this 
word, and it would seem from the context to refer to some 
article made of the trunks of trees, something connected with 
a siege. Colonel G. Ranking, 494, note 7, not finding it in 
any dictionary, suggests the Turkish sdtu, the roof of a house, 
meaning a shelther under which to approach the walls, 
something like the Roman vinea, a roof of planks and 
wicker work supported on poles eight feet long, and carried 
by the men as they advanced. May not the correct word 
be shahtlr, a beam? 

Malchar. This is an obscure word used by ^Abd-ul-hamid 
twice, Badshalmamah, i. Part 2, p. 107, 1. 15, and p. 108, 
1. 18. Both passages belong to the year 1044 h., 1634-5, 
and the first refers to the siege of Urchhah, the second to 
that of Dhamoni, fortresses in Bundelkhand. The wording 
in the second instance leads one to infer that the malchar 
was something in the nature of an approach by trenches. 



SIEGES. 279 

Temporari/ wall. Another device was to surround a for- 
tress with a temporary wall, leaving a few openings at 
which strong guards were posted, and no one was allowed 
to enter or come out without a pass. This was done by 
'Alamglr at Gulkhandah in 1098 h. (1686-7), Ma^asir-i- 
"^Alamgirl, 296. The materials employed were trunks of 
trees and clay. A somewhat similar plan was resorted to 
by ^Abd-us-samad Khan, when he invested Bandah, the 
Sikh, in Gurdaspur. 

Towers {Stba). In connection with this siege of Gurdaspur, 
we are told of the building of high wooden towers, on 
which guns were mounted, the inside of the fortified place 
being thereby commanded, so as to make it untenable. 
The following passage gives a description of these towers 
by a contemporary, who was present. "At a distance of two 
arrows' flight, batteries were erected of a size sufficient to 
allow of the guns being worked. They were about three 
cubits (42 feet) in height and in shape like bastions. A 
constant fire was kept up on both sides. Whenever a gunner 
shewed his head above the top of the earthwork, he would 
be fired at by one of the Sikhs concealed behind the 
battlements. In the same way a head showing above the 
wall was immediately fired at. The Sikhs answered shot 
for shot, and the imperialists were unable to move out to 
an attack in the open. Then, at the battery of ^Arif Khan, 
^Abd-us-samad Khan prepared a tower over-topping the 
fort wall, and mounted his guns upon it. This device dis- 
concerted the besieged, as the interior of the fort was now 
commanded and their movements thereby hampered. Similar 
towers were raised on two other sides of the attack, where 
Zakariyah Khan and Qamr-ud-din Khan commanded re- 
spectively", Ghulam Muhi-ud-dln Khan, fol. 57«. 

Ijad, fol. 23«, with respect to the same operations, uses 
a word which I read cJiob-slbae, and I suppose it applies 
to these towers. "The besiegers threw up chob-slbae, and 
drove subterannean passages towards each corner of the 



280 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

fort". But I am doubtful of this interpretation, as he had 
just spoken of "mounds of earth raised on the trunks of 
trees and placed from distance to distance round the fort" 
i. e. in other words, "towers". Why then should he refer 
again to the same thing by another name {chob-slbae) in 
the next sentence? 

Slba is defined by Steingass, 714, as from the Turkish, 
"a place surrounded by walls"; but Horn, 103, quoting 
the ^Alamgirnamah, 313, translates siba "aus den Befesti- 
gungen sich erhebender Bastionen", or in other words 
what was called in Europe, a cavalier. This latter meaning 
would apply equally to ^Abd-us-samad Khan's towers, 
although they were independent structures, and not part 
of a fortress. 

It was evidently a slba that was built by Dara Shukoh 
when besieging Qandahar in 1063 h. (1653). "He mounted 
a battery on a high and solid mound of earth" (Elphinstone, 
"History", 513). We also find the word used in the Mw/- 
us-safa, foil. 99/5, when in 1169 h. (July 1756^) the 
French under Bussy were invested in the Chahar Mahal 
at Haidarabad. The assailants erected sibaJi. Something of 
the same sort was had recourse to by the native besiegers 
of Arcot in 1751 (Orme "Mil. Trans." i, 191). They filled 
up a house with earth, and on this as a base they raised 
a square mound, which commanded the gate and every 
part within the fort. The same kind of thing is referred 
to by Orme, "Hist. Frag.", 153, on the authority of 
Manucci (Catrou, 4to edition of 1715, 3"^^ part, p. 177), 
as having been used at the siege of Gulkhandah in 1687. 
A vast mound of earth was raised to a level with the 
wall and the artillery mounted on it. Wilks, ii, 360, was 
told by Sir Barry Close, one of the garrison, that when 
Tellicherry (Malabar District) was besieged in 1782, Sirdar 
Khan employed what was evidently a slba, though the 
name is not used. "An immense extent of base served as 

1 See Malleson, ''French in India", (new edition) p. 490. 



SIEGES. 



281 



the foundation for several successive stories, constructed of 
the trunks of trees in successive layers, crossing each other 
and compacted by earth rammed between the intervals; 
the contrivances in the rear for raising the guns were 
removed when the erection was complete; successive stories 
were raised as the besieged covered themselves from each 
in turn". Lake, 221, calls these erections "cavaliers", and 
compares them to the great mounds raised by the ancients 
in their sieges. (For "Cavalier", see Voyle, 69). 

Storming. With the inefficient artillery of those days, a 
breach was very rarely effected, and we hear of very few 
forts being actually stormed. Entrance was oftener secured 
through breaking in the gate, and for this purpose 
elephants, as already stated on p. 177, were employed. 

Scaling ladders. The name for scaling ladders was nar- 
duhan, Steingass, 1395. Babar mentions them more than 
once. Their use in the reign of Humayun, 963 h., 1555-6 
is proved by a passage in Budaoni, text, i, 465, Ranking 
600. The words employed there are zlnah-pae, the round 
of a ladder or step of a stair, and kamand, which Ranking 
translates literally "noose", though from the context "rope- 
ladder" would be better. Again they were used in Shah- 
jahan's reign, (1044 h. 1634-5), at the siege of Qrchhah, 
Badshahnamah, i, part 2, p. 107, line 15. From time to 
time we hear of their being used at a much later period. 
For instance, at the end of 1719, when Girdhar Bahadur 
was besieged in Allahabad fort by Haidar Quli Khan and 
other imperial officers, we read that a general attack in 
two directions was ordered. One of these was headed by 
Sher Afgan Khan, Daud Khan, an officer under Muhammad 
Khan, Bangash, and others. They drove the besieged back 
t^ the very foot of the wall, then "Daud Khan, Bangash, 
brought up the scaling ladders, hoping to make an entry, 
but after much struggle and effort, he was obliged to 
abandon the attempt", Siioanihi-kldzn. In 1710 the Sikhs 
had scaling ladders with them when they tried to take 



282 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Jalalabad in the upper Ganges Bliahah, Khafi Khan, ii, 657. 
Modes of repelling assault. Burning oil. Powder Bags &c. 
In a quotation already given on p. 273, from Fitzclarence, 
reference has been made to the throwing down from the 
walls of bags of gunpowder and burning thatch. I have also 
referred on p. 131 to the hnqqah-i-atash used for a similar 
purpose. Other missiles are named by Horn, 123, quoting 
Von Noer i, 254 ("French trans.", i, 161), who says that 
at the siege of Chitor the Rajputs brought sacks of cotton 
cloth and fascines steeped in oil, which they endeavoured 
to set fire to while the breach was being stormed. As to 
the throwing of skins full of gunpowder with a match 
attached, we read of this being done by the defenders of 
a fort in the Dakhin in the fourth year of Shahjahan (1631 
A.D.). Horn, 132, quotes the passage from the Badshah- 
nama/i, i, 376, sixth line from end, az darun-i-Msar ban 
tufang o huqqah o sang o mashh-hae bar Tit ra at ash 
zadah ml andakhtand, "From inside the fort they threw 
rockets and bullets and grenades and stones and lighted 
powder-skins". A somewhat later instance of the use of the 
huqqah or hand-grenade and the handl or firepot, was at 
the siege of the Ghasahrl fort ('Aligarh district) by Suraj 
Mai, Jat, in the year 1753. In the Sujan Charitr, Canto v, 
stanza 24, we have: 

Vththan maru ghanl paclau, saththi mitkh mode ; 
Ha7idi huJcke aggi de, gadh-ioalaun chhode. 

"There he fierce fighting fell, his men turned back; 
The defenders threw lighted handis and huqqahs\ 

Quite at the end of the Moghul period, v/e find these 
means of defending a breach resorted to by George Thomas' 
officers, in resisting the Mahratta assault on HansT (3^^ Dec. 
1802): "Burning choppers (i.e. thatch from the roofs of 
houses), powder-pots, and everything he could get hold of, 
were showered upon us; but our greatest loss was from 
the powder-pots, which greatly disheartened the men" 



SIEGES. 283 

(^'Military Memoirs of Lt. Col. James Skinner, C. E." i, 238). 
Again, at the siege of Ehartpur in 1805, we find in use 
similar means of repelling an assault. Thorn, ''War", 457, 
says ''the people on the walls continually threw down upon 
their heads ponderous pieces of amber and flaming packs 
of cotton previously dipped in oil, followed by pots filled 
with gunpowder and other combustibles, the explosion of 
which had a terrible effect". See also a case, which occurred 
in 1781, quoted by Lake, "Sieges", 212. 

Stones. Where the fort was on an eminence and stones 
were available, these latter were stored, and rolled down 
the hill upon any besieger. (Blacker, "War", 318). In 
1044 H., 1634-5, when Dhamoni in Bundelkhand was 
besieged, the defenders rolled stones down on their assailants. 
Badshahnamah, i, part 2, p. 108. This was also done 
at a fort in the Dakhin in 1674, when it was attacked 
by Shiva-ji (R. Orme, "Hist. Frag.", 47). And it is only 
a year or two ago that we found the same mode of defence 
still resorted to at Hanza in the Himalayas. 

This use oi stones was the principal cause of our failure 
at the first storming of Chunar on the Ganges, Nov. 29<^^ 
1764, (Carraccioli, "Clive", i, 64). "Large stones, which 
the enemy rolled out of the breach and on each side of 
it, threw our men so often down and rolled them back 

again by twenties at a time Our people were at 

last so fatigued that they were obliged to give it up". 
Here Captain Dow (the historian) had his skull fractured 
by a stone, for which he was obliged to be trepanned. 
Khair-ud-din, ^Ibrat-nfimah, 75, tells us that sang-asiya were 
thrown from the walls of Patnah when it was attacked in 
1173 H. (1759); the dictionary, St. 701, says these are 
whetstones, possibly the stones of hand-mills are intended 
by the author. We were also repulsed twice, in 1789 and 
again in 1791, at Kistnagarhi (Salem District) "simply by 
(the garrison) rolling down stones and large masses of 
granite on the assailants". Lake, 207, note. Again, at 



284 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Trimbak, in Khandesh, our assault on the 24^^^ April 1818 
was chiefly repulsed by the garrison rolling down large 
stones on their assailants (Lake, 105); and great damage 
was done in the same way at Gopadrug on the IS^h May 
1819 (id. 201). 

Evacuation after a repulsed Assault. Lake, 150, remarks, 
as among the many inconsistencies of the Indian character, 
that while they surrendered impregnable fortresses without 
a blow, they would not only defend a mere walled town, 
but stand an assault after a practicable breach had been 
made. Another curious habit connected with these defences 
is pointed out by Blacker, 346. It frequently happened 
that a garrison would repulse an assault in the most 
dauntless manner and with severe loss. Yet during the 
following night they would silently evacuate the place they 
had defended so well. Naturally Europeans wondered and 
sought for a cause. The object did not seem to be to 
divert the attacking force from some enterprize of greater 
danger to the general cause. The effort was nearly always 
isolated and desperate. Why not abandon the place at 
once, or ask for terms? It seemed that it must be a point 
of honour with them to try their strength, and having 
proved their valour, they then withdrew. 

Reduction by Starvation. Many instances of this cause 
of surrender might be adduced. This was, for example, the 
principal reason of the surrender of Agrah in 1131 h. 
(Aug. 1719), when Nekusiyar, after laying claim to the 
throne, was invested in that fort by Husain 'All Khan. 
"After a month, provisions began to be scarce. Many of 
those who had joined from the country round began to 
desert, getting over the walls at night, only to be seized 
by the Nawab's sentries. These fugitives informed Husain 
'All Klian of the disheartened and suff'ering condition of 
the garrison. All the good grain had been used up, and 
nothing was left but inferior pulses, and even these had 
been stored over seven years and smelt so strong, that even 



SIEGES. 285 

the fourfooted beasts would not eat them with avidity. 
Attempts were made to bring in small supplies of flour, 
which were dragged up by ropes let down from the battle- 
ments. Some of the artillery of the besieging force took 
part in this traffic. After this was found out, the strict- 
ness of watch was redoubled, anything moving in the river 
at night was fired upon, and expert swimmers were kept 
ready to pursue and seize any one who attempted to escape 
by way of the river", Mhd Qasim, Lahorl, 286, 287. 
Negociations commenced, and the fort was surrendered on 
the 12tb Aug. 1719, after an investment of nearly three 
months. 

Gurdasjmr. The reduction of Gurdaspur and the conse- 
quent surrender of Bandah, the Sikh leader, is another 
instance of the starving out of a garrison. 'Abd-us-samad 
Khan appeared before the place in April 1715, but it was 
not taken before the 17*^^ Dec. of that year. Some time 
before this happened, the provisions had come to an end, 
not a grain being left in the storehouses. The garrison 
obtained a little food from the common soldiers outside, 
for which they paid at the rate of two or three shillings 
a pound; they also slaughtered oxen and other animals, 
and having no firewood, ate the flesh raw. Then they 
picked up and ate whatever they found on the road. They 
gathered the leaves from the trees; when these were gone, 
they stripped the bark and gathered the smaller shoots, 
and grinding these down, used them as a substitute for 
flour. The bones of animals were also ground down and 
used in the same way. It is said that some of the Sikhs 
even cut flesh from their own thighs, roasted it, and eat it. 

Thun {First Siege). In another instance the attempt to 
take a place by starvation was not successful. Thun was 
a fort built by the ancestors of the Jat rajahs of Ehartpur, 
and it was their chief place of strength before they removed 
to Bhartpur. It was situated somewhere between Dig and 
Gobardhan, to the west of Mathura. In 1716 the cup of 



286 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

Churaman's transgressions being full, it was resolved to 
proceed against him, and the duty was confided to Rajah 
Jai Singh Sawae of Amber. Thun having been completely 
invested, the siege began on the IQ^'^ Nov. 1716. The 
fortress was provided with lofty walls and a deep ditch 
filled from springs, and round it spread a thick and thorny 
jungle "through which a bird could hardly make its way". 
Supplies were abundant; indeed (though this is probably 
an exaggeration) there were, it was said, grain, salt, ghl, 
tobacco, cloth and firewood sufficient for twenty years. 
When the siege was imminent, Churaman had forced all 
merchants and traders with their families to quit the place, 
leaving their goods behind them. He made himself per- 
sonally responsible for compensation, if he gained the day, 
and as the property could not be removed, the owners 
gave their consent without much demur. Churaman's son, 
Muhkam Singh, and his nephew, Rtipa, issued from the 
fort and gave battle in the open. In his report of the 
21^^ Dec. 1716, the Rajah claimed a victory. He next cut 
down the trees round the fort, and erected a large number 
of small guard-houses, in which he placed his men. A large 
cannon was sent to him from Dihli, while three hundred 
mans of gunpowder, one hundred and fifty fuans of lead, 
and five hundred rockets were supplied from the arsenal 
at Agrah. The siege dragged on for twenty months, and 
even in the end Thun was not taken. The rains of 1717 
were very late in coming, prices rose very high, and great 
expense fell on the Rajah in bringing supplies from his 
own country of Amber. In January 1718 the Rajah reported 
that he had had many encounters with the Jats, in which 
he had overcome them, but owing to support at Court, 
they were not willing to yield. Soon after this Sayyad 
Khan Jahan, Barhah, a near relation of the wazir, nego- 
ciated a peace over Jai Singh's head, and Churaman was 
allowed to settle matters by ofi'ering a tribute of thirty 
lakhs of rupees to the government, and a present of twenty 



SIEGES. 287 

lakhs for the minister himself. Rajah Jai Singh was then 
recalled. 

ThUn {Second Siege). On a second occasion, in the year 
1722, Rajah Jai Singh was more successful, and Thun 
was then razed to the ground. He reached Thun a few 
days before the 25th Oct. 1722; the fort was then held 
by the sons of Churaman, and at first there were daily 
fights. On the 31st a report came from the Rajah stating 
that he had taken three small forts from Muhkama (who 
was the son of Churaman), and he expected that Thun 
would soon fall. He asked for a large cannon, one hundred 
rahkalahs, five hundred mans of lead and powder, and 
three hundred rockets. The capture of the fort was reported 
to the emperor on the 20th ]n^ov. 1722. Churaman's sons 
had fled. This speedy and apparently brilliant victory was, 
however, the result of treachery and not of hard fighting. 
Badan Singh, who was on bad terms with his cousin, 
Mulikam Singh, had been persuaded to betray the fort, on 
a promise that he would be appointed to the chieftainship. 

Communication bettveen Besiegers and Besieged, In Fraser, 
"Mil. Mem. of Lt. Col. J. Skinner", i, 231, we read that 
at HansT the Mahrattas rolled letters upon arrows and shot 
them into the fort from the trenches, and received answers 
from George Thomas' men in the same way, agreeing to 
give their leader up. In 918 h. (1512) at Gazhdawan, Babar 
is said to have communicated in this way with the Uzbak 
garrison, (Budaoni, i, 444). Another case is at the siege of 
Qandahar in 1545: "The dwellers in the fort w^ote daily 
accounts of Mirza ^Askari, and shot them down from the 
walls, twisted round an arrow", Akbarnamah (Beveridge) i, 
466, line 4. The same mode of communicating, Manucci 
tells us, Philipps Ms. 1945, Part i, p. 251, was employed 
by the besiegers of Bhakkar in Sind (1658); one of these 
arrows struck Manucci on the shoulder, and he took it 
just as it was to the eunuch commanding the garrison. 

Ke7/s of Fortresses. Horn, 133, quoting Elliot, v, 176, 



288 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

says that the fortresses had gold or silver keys; in this 
particular passage the place referred to is Rantharnbhur. 
An instance of this practice in Persia is found in Mupnil-ut- 
Tanhh-i-had-nadinyah (ed. Oskar Mann) 85, line 21. We 
are told here that the keys of Naishapur were delivered 
to Ahmad Shah, Durrani, when peace was made. Again, 
we have a somewhat earlier instance. In 1119 (1707) when 
Mir Wais, Ghilzai, killed Gurgin Khan, Gurji (Georgian), 
governor on behalf of Sultan Husain Mirza, Safawi, and 
took possession of Qandahar, he sent his submission to Shah 
"Alam Bahadur Shah, together with a golden key {M.-ul-u., 
iii, 702). Another Central Asian practice is to be found 
in Mujmil-ut-tankh bad Nadinyah, p. 88, line 2, the 
planting of a flag on the bastion of a fort as soon as it was 
taken. I have found no mention of this in India. As showing 
the importance attached in India to the keys of a fortress, 
we may instance the trouble taken by Aurangzeb ^Alamgir 
to make his father, Shahjahan, surrender those of Agrah, 
sending his eldest son. Sultan Muhammad, to demand them 
(Bernier, 63). In 1707, Mhd Yar Khan, the qilahdar of 
Dihli, sent his son with the keys of the fort to Bahadur 
Shah in token of submission (Khafi Klian, ii, 577). And 
we read in Ghulam ^Ali Khan's Muqaddamah-i-Shah ^Alam- 
namaJi, fol. 615, that during Nadir Shah's invasion (1738), 
Burhan-ul-mulk and Tahmas, Jalair, were sent ahead from 
Karnal with a note from Muhammad Shah addressed to 
Lutfullah Khan, Sadiq, {subahdar of the province), directing 
him to give up the keys of the fortress at DihlT to the 
Shah's agent, which was done accordingly. Then, when 
Najaf Khan took Agrah from the Jats in 1773, the mes- 
senger conveying the news to DihlT "carried with him the 
keys of the fort to be laid at His Majesty's feet", W. 
Francklin, Shah Aulum, 53. 

Particular Sier/es. For the period covering the end of 
Shahjahan's reign and the whole reign of 'Alamgir, I add 
a few notes and references in respect of the more notable 



SIEGES. 289 

sieges. I then give an account, in a little more detail, of 
sieges belonging to the 18^'^ century. In the second half 
of ^Alamglr's reign sieges, or at least attacks on forts, were 
very numerous. 

Qandahar. Dara Shukoh had at the siege of Qandahar 
in 1063 H. (1653) four heavy guns, 30,000 iron shot, great 
and small, 1500 mans (60,000 lbs) of lead, 5000 mans 
(20,000 lbs) of gunpowder, 5000 artillerymen, 10,000 mus- 
keteers, 6000 pioneers, sappers and axemen, 500 pak/idhs 
(men bringing water in large skins carried on animals), 
3000 aJiadts, 60 war elephants, and a great number of 
Brinjaris (grain-carriers), Raverty, "Notes", 22. There is a 
long account of the campaign, id., 23 — 28. 

Bljapur, 1097 h., 1685-6. B.M. 1641, foL 113« (sixteen 
entries), id. 138<?, Khafi Khan, ii, 322 — 368, Ma^asir-i- 
^Alamgin, 275. 

Gulkhandah, 1098 h., 1686-7, Ab^ul-Hasan left Haidarabad 
and took refuge in Gulkhandah in Zu^l Qa'dah 1097 h. 
Possession of Gulkhandah was obtained on the 24tii Zu^l 
Qa'dah 1098, Ma^dsir-i-A., 299. The siege lasted eight 
months and some days, id., 300. Description of the fort, 
id., 301. See also B.M. 1641, fol. 113r/, (forty entries). 

/m^Xn05-9H., 1693-7. Khafi Kh. ii,418, Ma,asir-i-'A.'d^\. 

Khelnah, 1113 h., 1701-2. Kliafi Kli. ii, 499, Maasir-i-'J'., 
445—457. 

Kanddnak, 1114 u., 1702-3. Khafi Kh. ii, 510, Madsir- 
i-'J. 469. 

Wdkankherd, 1116 h., 1704-5. Khafi Kb. ii, 527, Ma,dsir- 
i-'I. 490. 

Jaitpur. One of the best known sieges of the 18^^^ century 
was that of Jaitpur in Bundelkhand, where Muhammad 
Khan, Bangash, was invested by the Bundelahs aided by 
the Mahrattas. This siege is memorable, among other 
reasons, as the occasion on which the Mahrattas first took 
a prominent part in imperial politics north of the Narbada. 
The siege lasted over three months, namely, from the 15tii 

19 



290 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

May to the 31st Aug. 1729. Cliattarsal, Bundelah, had 
submitted himself earlier in the year, and Muhammad 
Khan, quite unsuspicious of danger, was out settling the 
country at the head of a small force. Suddenly he heard 
that a large Mahratta army, under BajT Rao and eleven 
other chiefs, was close at hand. From the 12^^ March to 
the 15*11 May, he maintained himself in his camp, but 
finally was forced to retreat on Jaitpur. There were no 
stores of food, and no time to provide any. Soon they 
were completely surrounded, but the Mahrattas, always 
poor hands at siege operations, made no impression on the 
place. They resolved to starve the garrison out. After a 
month or two there was no longer any grain for food. 
Recourse was then had to the slaughter of the horses and 
bullocks. Flour could not be procured even at one hundred 
rupees the seer; the only supplies were those furnished 
surreptitiously by the Mahrattas outside, and this flour 
was composed mainly of ground bones. Money was let 
down by a rope, and the corresponding amount of flour, 
at the rate of 100 rupees for a seer, was attached to the 
rope and drawn up. Many men died of starvation. But 
by Baji Rao's orders, any man on giving up his arms was 
allowed to pass out unmolested. In the end only some 
thousand or twelve hundred men remained. At last Mu- 
hammad Eyian was forced to make terms and evacuate 
the fort (Journal A. S. B. for 1878, p. 300, and Mirat-i- 
toaridat, my copy, pp. 25, 26. 

Allahabad. This fortress was besieged twice in the 18^^^ 
century, first in 1131 h. (1719) and again in 1163 h. 
(1750). On the first occasion the imperial forces were sent 
to eject the governor, Girdhar Bahadur; on the second, it 
was attacked by the Pathans of Farrukhabad, when held 
by the officers of the then governor, Safdar Jang, who was 
also subahddr of Audh and wazlr of the empire. The first 
investment lasted about nine and the second some seven 
months, but on neither occasion did the besiegers succeed 



SIEGES. 291 

in reducing the fort. In 1131 ii. (1719) Girdhar Bahadur 
yielded on obtaining the government of A udh, and marched 
out with all the honours of war. In 1163 h. (1750) the 
Pathans, before they had made the least impression upon 
the fortress, were recalled hurriedly to defend their homes 
against a combined attack by Safdar Jang and the Mahrattas. 

Bangarh. Almost the last expedition commanded by a 
Moghul emperor in person involved a siege. Between Abii^l 
Mansur Khan, Safdar Jang, governor of Audh, and 'All 
Muhammad Khan, Rohelah, a man who had recently risen 
to power in what we now call Rohilkhand, there had long 
been ill-blood from one cause and another. Now, Amir Khan, 
^Umdat-ul-mulk, a favourite of Muhammad Shah, had been 
banished from court and sent as governor to Allahabad, 
the boundary of which runs with Audh. With this noble 
Safdar Jang struck up an intimacy. After a time, Amir 
Khan was recalled to Dihli, where he resolved to oust his 
enemy, the wazir Qamr-ud-dln Khan. For this purpose he 
sought the aid of Safdar Jang, and caused the emperor 
to summon him from his government. Safdar Jang was 
received with marked favour and appointed Mir Atash, 
or commander of the imperial artillery. Having secured 
influence at court, he proceeded to use it for the destruction 
of 'All Muhammad Khan. The latter had, however, a friend 
in the ivazlr, with whom he had prudently formed a matri- 
monial connection. Meanwhile Safdar Jang's influence with 
the emperor was on the increase, and was crowned on the 
25th June 1744 by the honour of a visit to his tents from 
Muhammad Shah in person. 

The importance of ejecting 'All Muhammad Khan was 
so fully impressed on the emperor, that for the first time 
in his reign he was persuaded to take the field in person. 
Amir Khan and Safdar Jang worked hard to secure this 
result, for without the emperor's presence they could effect 
little or nothing. The loazir, Qamr-ud-din Khan, was 
friendly to 'Ali Muhammad Khan, Qaim Jang, the nawab 



292 THE ARMY OP THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

of Farrukhabad, was in secret concert and alliance with 
him, and his army was efficient and well-equipped. On 
the 24tli Muharram, 1158 h. (25^^^ February 1745), making 
a pretext of a hunting expedition in the Loni preserve, 
Muhammad Shah crossed the Jamnah, his real purpose 
being kept secret even from the wazlr. 

Omitting the intervening events, we pass on to the 21st 
Rabf ii (May 22^1^ 1745), the day on which the army 
reached Budaon; and here Muhammad Shah effected a 
reconciliation between Qaim Jang and Safdar Jang, which 
was ratified by an exchange of visits. All the same, Safdar 
Jang continued actively to carry on the campaign. Then, 
seeing the imperial army so close to him, ^Ali Muhammad 
Khan quitted his abode at Anwalah, and took refuge in 
his stronghold of Bangarh, some kos to the south. To 
this place he was followed by the imperial army. On the 
one hand, the wazlr persisted that he could bring in 'All 
Muhammad Khan; on the other, Safdar Jang urged that 
if he were given a free hand, he would soon overcome 
the rebel by force. To strengthen his position, Safdar Jang 
also sent to Audh for reinforcements. His hakhs/n, Naval 
Rae, was ordered to march with this force by way of 
Shahjahanpur to Bangarh. 

Bangarh was now surrounded by the imperialists. Kalyan 
Singh, rajah of Kumaon, who had recently suffered from 
an irruption of the Rohelahs, joined the army as an ally. 
Round the fort was a thick screen of bambus "through 
which the wind found its way with difficulty". Labourers 
and axemen were set to work to cut this hedge down, and 
batteries were erected. But the army and its commanders 
were only half-hearted in their exertions, many nobles had 
passed long years at court and had never seen a skirmish 
or heard the roar of cannon, and others again blamed the 
wazlr for bringing them to do a work which he did not 
care to do himself. The remarks just referred to caused 
great annoyance to Qamr-ud-dm Khan; so much so, that 



SIEGES. 293 

Haiyat-ullah Khan, liizbar Jang, (son of Saif-ud-Daulah 
Zakariyah Khan, and son-in-law of the wazlr), begged 
urgently for leave to advance and end the matter. 

In spite of the overwhelming odds, "All Muhammad 
Khan held his ground. Khushhal Chand, although an im- 
perial officer, cannot help admiring his courage. He also 
breaks forth into unstinted praise of the flourishing state 
of the Rohelah territory, the lands being fully cultivated, the 
crops good, the peasants well-off. Theft, outrage and highway- 
robbery were unknown within those boundaries. These results 
were the fruits of the ruler's strong reason and good under- 
standing : 

"The fox carried off the morsel from the wolf, 
For the former has great wits, the latter, little". 

One day 'All Muhammad Khan came out of the fort, 
and was attacked by one of Safdar Jang's officers. Safdar 
Jang mounted and was anxious to make an onset. Mu- 
hammad Shah thought this imprudent, when on the one 
side were the Moghuls (the waz'ir^ troops) and on the other 
the Pathans (Qaim Jang and his men), neither of whom 
were to be trusted, and might act in collusion with the 
besieged. Several days elapsed. Then 'All Muhammad Khan 
fired some balls which fell in the camp of the nobles, some 
even coming near to the imperial enclosure "to make 
obeisance". Muhammad Shah sent for the tvazir and con- 
sulted. There was no want of men; one division by itself 
would have sufficed. Yet nothing was done. Once Muhammad 
Shah appealed to Rae Hemraj, a Saksena Kayath, a mere 
clerk in the artillery office; "If I made over this business 
to you, how long would it take?" The /ia?/al/i replied: 
"Your Majesty's artillery is so powerful that 1 could reduce 
Bangarh to ashes in four ^//ari (about one and a half hours)". 
But the imperialists continued to discuss helplessly what 
should be done next. In this interval. Naval Rae arrived 
with 20,000 horsemen and 40,000 infantry. Safdar Jang 



294 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

went out a kos or two to meet him. Naval Rae commenced 
the siege in earnest, and 'Ali Muhammad Khan began to 
think of flight or surrender. He sent an intimation to this 
effect to the wazir, whose second son, Mu'ln-ud-daulah 
(commonly called Mir Mannu) was sent to talk the matter 
over. Having received a promise that his life would be 
spared, ''All Muhammad Khan came to the Presence on 
the 3rcl Jamadi i, ] 158 h. (2^ June 1745), Khushhal Chand, 
B.M. Or. 1844, foil. 164«— 181(5. 

Agrah. After their defeat by Ahmad Shah, Abdali, in 
January 1761, the Mahrattas for a time quitted Northern 
India. Suraj Mall of Bhartpur was then the only powerful 
ruler left from the gates of Dihli to the banks of the 
Chambal. The only place of strength remaining to the 
Moghuls was the fort of Agrah, and in 1763 Suraj Mall 
determined to acquire it. Since 1754 the commander and 
troops had received no pay, living on the produce of what 
they sold from the magazines within the fort. Obviously 
such people would not be difficult to deal with. Suraj 
Mall made a pretence of crossing to the north bank of 
the Jamnah, then turned suddenly and blockaded Agrah. 
Still, he could never have taken the place, had it been in 
charge of a good commandant. At this time the command 
was held by a mere boy, and he was under the thumb 
of a subordinate, a greedy coward. From this traitor over- 
tures were received, and the fort was given up. The 
blockade had lasted twenty days, but though the inhabi- 
tants of the city suffered from plundering, no damage had 
been done to the fort. Suraj Mall is supposed to have 
carried off fifty lakhs of rupees from the town. ''When 
Suraj Mall took Agrah, it had the most numerous and 
the best artillery in the kingdom, with powder, balls and 
bullets, and other goods of the Royal Wardrobe, collected 
during a long course of years. Everything was carried off. 
The best cannon were removed to Dig and Bhartpur. 
Two years ago (1765?), Juwahir Singh caused most of the 



SIEGES. 295 

houses to be demolished, imitating what had been done 
at Allahabad, to allow room for the artillery to play. But 
the fort guns can do no harm as the bastions are so high. 
Nay, the debris of the houses could be used as ready-made 
entrenchments and batteries, to secure an approach to the 
main body of the place. The present commandant and the 
leaders of the Jats know nothing of war, they are men of 
low extraction, owing their rise solely to their devotion to 
young Juwahir Singh", ''Orme Collections", p. 4308. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 

The war organization of the Moghul empire offers some- 
thing more than a mere antiquarian interest. The more I 
study the period, the more I am convinced that military 
inefficiency was the principal, if not the sole, cause of that 
empire's final collapse. All other defects and weaknesses were 
as nothing in comparison with this. Its revenue and judicial 
system was, on the whole, suited to the habits of the 
people, they looked for nothing different, and so far as those 
matters were concerned, the empire might have endured 
for ages. But long before it disappeared, it had lost all 
military energy at the centre, and was ready to crumble 
to pieces at the first touch. The rude hand of no Persian 
or Afghan conqueror, no Nadir, no Ahmad Abdali, the 
genius of no European adventurer, a Dupleix or a Clive, 
was needed to precipitate it into the abyss. The empire 
of the Moghuls was already doomed before any of these 
had appeared on the scene ; and had they never been heard 
of, there can be little doubt that some Mahratta bandit 
or Sikh free-booter would in due time have seated himself 
on the throne of Akbar and Shahjahan. It is a curious 
problem, then, to consider what causes could have led to 
the military decrepitude of a monarchy which had been 
founded and maintained by its military prestige. How came 
it to pass that what had been gained by the sword was 
at length to perish by the sword? 

In the Moghul army there was little loyalty to the 
sovereign's person, and absolutely no patriotism or devotion 



GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 297 

to one's country. To a slight extent the zeal and fervour 
of Mahomedanism was on the side of the ruler. But in a 
country where the majority were still Hindus, any excess 
of this feeling was as much a danger as an advantage. In 
a faint degree, there was some attachment to the reigning 
house, which still lived on the reputation of such great 
rulers and soldiers as Babar and Akbar. But Aurangzeb 
had alienated both the Rajput warrior clans and the general 
Hindu population. The army was thus, in effect, a body 
of mercenaries, men who served only for what they could 
get, and ready at any moment, when things went badly, 
to desert or transfer themselves, to a higher bidder. The 
army'was full of Persian,. Central Asian, and Afghan sol- 
diers of fortune, whose swords were at the service of any 
one who chose to pay them. 

By its original constitution everything turned, in such 
an army, upon the characler_.ofJts he^^^^ If he were an 
able and successful soldier, or even one gifted with the 
power of leading and governing men, all went well, some 
sort of discipline was maintained, and some unity of pur- 
pose was secured. Thus the first necessity was a strong 
emperor; for no one but the emperor was readily obeyed, 
and even he could not always secure obedience. But after 
the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, efficient rulers ceased to 
be found among the scions of Taimur's house. A free field 
was thus opened to the jealousies and rivalries of the 
nobles. iVll courts seem more or less hot-beds of petty 
intrigue; but in eastern countries this evil growth seems 
to find its most congenial soil. Intrigue seems to accord 
with the genius of eastern races; and in that respect per- 
haps no eastern country equals India. My experience of 
India is that if a man has only two servants, one of them 
will at once attempt to supplant the other and monopolize 
his master's confidence. 

Disastrous consequences followed from these jealousies 
amon^ the great men and nobles. As one writer aptly says 



298 THE AMRY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

a noble was (lasad-pesha/i, "one whose profession was envy". 
In military matters we have not to go far in our search 
for examples of this jealousy and its consequence, base 
treachery. At Jajau in 1707, Zujfiqar Khan left A'zam 
Shah to his fate, because he had been made to serve under 
Bedar Bakht, that prince's son. Again, in 1712, the same 
Zujfiqar Khan stood aloof at Agrah, in the hope that his 
rival, Jahandar Shah's foster-brother, might be destroyed, 
leaving him to reap the benefit of an unshared victory. 
In this same battle we see treachery at work, the troops 
of Turani race having been bought over by the other side. 
Instances might be multiplied ad infinitum. 

Furthermore, the constitution of the army was radically 
unsound. Each man was, there can be no doubt, individu- 
ally brave, even to recklessness. Why then do we find 
them so ready to retreat from a battle-field, so anxious to 
make off after the slightest reverse? Simply because they 
had so muc^io^Jose and so veryJitlle_lo ^ain. A trooper 
rode his own horse, and if it wa s^ kil l ed he w as ruined 
irretrievably. As a European writer of the middle of the 
18^1^ century justly enough says: "Their cavalry (which are 
among them very respectable, and also~weri~paid) though 
not backward to engage with sabres, are extremely un- 

jwilling to bring their horses within the reach of our guns ; 
so that they do not decline' so much through fear of their 
lives, as for their fortunes, wdiich are all laid out in the 

"liofs'e'^They'nde on", Cambridge, "War", In trod. viii. In ^ 
1791-2 ffloo r^ 204, noTice3~~among the Mahrato^cavalry 
that the same cause produced the same effect. "A reluctance 
to charge will be frequently observed; which does not 
proceed from any deficiency in personal courage, but from 
this cause: a great part of the horses in the Mahratta 
service are, we have understood, the property of the riders, 
who receive a certain monthly pay, according to the good- 
ness of Jhe horse, for their own and their beast's services. 

Tf a~man has his horse killed or wounded, no equivalent 



GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. 299 

is made him by the Sirkar, but he loses his animal and 
his allowance ; he will therefore, of course, be as careful as 
possible to preserve both". See also Seir, i, 315, note 250, 
Orme, ''Hist. Frag.", 418, Fitzclarence, "Journal", 73, 
Blacker, "War", 21. 

Then in addition to this hindrance to zeal caused by 
his personal interests, we lind that the individual soldier 
did not look to the sovereign and the State, or consider 
his interests identical with theirs. He was the soldier of his 
immediate commander and neve r loo ked beyond him. If a 
great leader was hike- warm in th e cause or w as bought 
over, was forced to flee from the field, or was slain in the 
battle, liis~ men dispersed at once. With the leader's dis- 
appearance, theirj.nter est in the fight was at an e nd, and 
their first concern was their own and their horse's safety. 
To take one instance out of many, Sayyad Husain ^Ali 
Khan left Agrah in Muhammad Shah's train at the head 
of as large a force as had ever been collected by any 
Moghul general. A week or two afterwards, he was suddenly 
assassinated. An hour or two had hardly elapsed, and not 
a trace of his mighty army was left, his camp had been 
plundered, and even his tents burnt. 

The death or disappearancejpfjhe^general-in-chief always 
decided the battle. Outside Labor, when prince ^Azim-ush- 
sMn's elephant ran off and drowned him in the Ravi, his 
army dispersed and his treasure was plundered. Again, 
when Jahandar Shah fled from the battle-field at Agrah, 
the day was lost, although Zujfiqar Khan's division was 
intact. Of treacherous defection in the field the examples 
would be endless. The luke-warmness of Indian troops 
serving with allies was shown many a time in our earlier 
campaigns; for instance, in Rohilkhand in 1774, where 
Shuja^-ud-Daulah allowed us to do all the work, and in 
the Dakhin in 1792, when the Haidarabad and Mahratta 
troops proved more of a hindrance than a help to their 
English allies. In 1803 the Nizam's horse were useless, and 



300 THE ARMY OF THE INDIAN MOGHULS. 

in the campaign of 1817 the conduct of the irregular horse 
was contemptible. As an auxiliary force they were hurtful 
in consuming forage and provisions, for which they made 
no return (Blacker, 348). 

Speaking of the Nizam's army, a writer at the end of 
the JSt'i century says: ''As an army, the composition is no 
less expensi^^e^^han defecti veT'aM'Iotany untitlorTn ilitary 
operations. They encamp at random, without proper pickets 
in front, flaiik, or rear, an3^1n consequence of this and other 
negligence are easily to be surprized — in short, these 
numerous bodies of robust_ men and active horse, seem 
designed for no other purpose than_ tp adorn t hejmarch 
of their chief, who rides in the midst of them, upon one 
elephant, his standard displayed upon angther^^attended by 
c/iohdars calling irat his titles". No orders were given for 
a march ; "^wordrnrf-' them wa^onveyed to each chief by his 
news-writer, who attended the darbar every evening. Little 
attention was paid to merit; preferment was obtained through 
birth and~~connections, in trigue~, caBal,^ii3r"'other means 
equally'^estructive'tDr-ffittiMry'character (Ouseley's * 'Orjental 
ColIecHons^-m -^ "~ ~ 

Similar comments~~are^o be found in the chapter on 
war in R. Orme's paper on the government and people of 
Indostan (''Hist. Frag." 417—420). In short, excepting 
want of personal courage, every other fault in the list of 
military vices may be attributed to the degenerate Moghuls : 
indiscipline, want of cohesio n, luxurious habits, inactivity, 
■ bad commissariat, and cunTbiwsTquipmeht. rn~fact, Mount- 
stuart ElphinstonO"ir1iis~^'Iiisfofy^579, gives us succintly 
the conclusion of the whole matter, "They formed a cavalry 
admirably fitted to prance in a procession, and not ill- 
adapted to a charge in a pitched battle, but not capable 
of any long exertion, and still less of any continuance of 
fatigue and hardship". 

The End. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED AND REFERRED TO. 

I. Persian (printed books). 

1. DaslUr-ul-Insha, by Yar Muhammad, (c. 1170 ii.), Calcutta, 1270 ii. 

(1853). 

2. Firishtali (Muhammad Qasim, son of Hindu Shah), Gulshan-i-Ibrahlml^ 

40., hthographed, Lakhnau 1281 h. (18G4). 

3. Badshah-namah^ by ""Abd-ul-Hamid, 2 vols. (Bib, Ind.), Calcutta, 

1867-8. 

4. Mu)ita/diab-ut-kiwarlkh, by ^Abd-ul-Qadir, Budaoni, 1004 h. 3 vols. 

(Bib. Ind.) Calcutta7l868. 

5. ^Alamgir-namah, by Mhd. Kazim, (Bib. Ind.) Calcutta, 1868. 

6. Ma^asir-i-^Almnglrl, by Mhd. SaqT, Musta'^id Khan, 1122 h. (Bib. Ind.) 

Calcutta, 1871. 

7. Muntakhab-ul-lubah by Khwafi Khan, 1137 h., 2 vols. (Bib. Ind.) 

Calcutta, 1874. 
. 8. Tarllih-i-Jahcm-kushcie Ncidirl by Mirza Mahdi Khan (lithographed) 
Bombay, 1292 h. (1875). 
9. Akbarnamah by AbhJ Fazl, 3 vols., 4to. (Bib. Ind.) Calcutta, 1873— 
1886. Id. — "(lithographed edition) — Lakhnau 1883. 

10. Mirat-i-Ahmadl by "^Ali Muhammad Khan, composed 1174 11. (litho- 

graphed) Bombay, 1307 h. (1889)~ 

11. Bcibarnamah or Tuzuk-i-Babari, lithographed edition, Bombay 

1308 H. (1890). 

12. Ma^asir-ul-Umard^ by Shah Nawaz Khan, 3 vols. (Bib. Ind.) Calcutta, 

1888—91. ~~ 

13. Mujmil-ut-tdnkh ba'^d Nadiriyah by Abul Hasan b. Muhammad 

Amin, (composed 1196 h.), edited by Oskar Mann, Leiden, 1891 
and 1896. 

II. Hindi (printed books). 

Chhutfii Prukash of Lai Kuvi, edited by Captain W. Price, Calcutta 
1829. 

III. Persian (Manuscripts). 

1. Jauhar, Aftabchi, TazkircU-ul-waqfat, Irvine Ms. N^. 43, 995 h. 

2. Nizam-ud-din, Tabaqdi-i- Akbar Shdii'i, B.M. Additional Ms. No. 6543, 

1002 H. 



302 LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED AND REFERRED TO. 

3. DastUr-ul-%ml, British Museum No. 1641 (c. 1118 h.). 

4. do. B.M. 6598. 

5. do. B.M. 6599. 

6. do. B.M. 1690. 

7. Kamraj, A'zam-ul-harb, B.M. 1899 (c. 1119 h.). 

8. Danishmand Khan, Bahadur Shcih-natnah, B.M. Oriental, No. 24 

(c. 1120 H.). 

9. Bhim Sen, Nuskhah-i-dilkusha, B.M. Oriental No. 23, 1120 H. 

10. History of Jahandar Shah, B.M. Oriental No. 3610. c. 1124 H. 

11. Muhammad Mun^im, .la'^farabadl, Farrukhnamah, I. 0. L. No. 1876, 

(1128 H.). 

12. Hidayatullah, Bahari, Hidayat-ul-quwaid, Irvine Ms. No. 251, 1128 H, 

13. Mirza Muhammad (son of Muta'^mad Khan), TazPiirah^ India Office 

Library. N". 50, (1131 h.). ~~ 

14. Kamraj, 'Ibratndmah (Daftar I), I. 0. L. No. 1534 (c. 1131 h.). 

15. Mhd Ahsan, Ijad, Samanawi, Farrukhsiyar-namah^BM. Or. 25 and 

Irvine Ms. No. 113, both incomplete (c. 1131 ii.). 

16. Mhd Qasim, Lahorl, "Ihratnamah, I. 0. L. No. 194 (c. 1133 h.). 

17. Shiu Das, Shdhnamah, Manavvar-i-kaldm, B.M. Or. 26 (c. 1134 h.). 

18. Chhabilah Ram, Nagar, letters of, '^Ajaib-ul-dfdq^ B.M. Or. No, 1776 

(c. 1134 H.). 

19. Ghulam Muhl-ud-din Khan, Fatuhat-ndmah-i-Samadi, B.M. Or. 1870 
~~{c. 1135 H.). 

20. Kamwar Khan, Tazkirai-iis-salatln-i-Chaghtaiyah, Irvine Ms. NO. 70 

(c. 1137~it.). ~ ■■ ~ 

21. RaeBihari Ram, Nagar, Guldastah-i-baha}\lv\meMs. No.176(1139h ). 

22. Mhd Qasim, Aurangabadi, Ahwdl-ul-khawaqin, B.M. Addl. 26,244 

(c. 1147 H.). ~ 

23. Yahya Khan, Tazkirat-ul-muluk, I. 0. L. No. 1149 (1149 h.). 

24. Rustam 'All, TarUih-i-hindi, B.M. Or. 1628 (1149 h.). 

25. Mhd Shafi^ Warid, Mirat-i-waridat, B.M. No. 6579 (c. 1149 h.). 

26. MaHumat-ul-afaq, B.M. 1741 (c. 1150 ii.). 

27. Risalah-i-Mhd Shdhl, B.M. Or. 180 (c. 1150 h.). 

28. Risalah-i-tlr o kaman, B.M. Additional Ms. No. 5629 (c. 1150 h.). 

29. Jauhar-i-samsam, B.M. Or. 1898, and Col. Fuller's translation, B.M. 

30,784 (c. 1152 h.). 

30. Anand Ram, Mukhlis, Mirat-ul-istildh, B.M. Or. 1813 (1157 h.). 

31. Sahib Rae, Khujistah-kalain, Irvine Ms. No. 18 (1159 h.). 

32. Khushhal Chand, Nadir-uz-zamdnl, B.M. Or. 1844, id. Addl. 24,027 

and Berlin Ms. No. 495 (Cat. p. 476) (c. 1161 h ). 

33. Anand Ram, Mukhlis, Events of 1159—61 h., I. 0. L. 1612 (1161 h.). 

34. Mirza Muhammad, Tmnkh-i-Miihammadi, B.M. Or. 1824 and Irvine 

Ms. NO. 143 (c. 1163 h.). 

35. Tarlkh-i- Ahmad Shahl, B.M. Oriental No. 2005 (c. 1167 h.). 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED AND REFERRED TO. 303 

36. Mahmud-iil-Munshi, Tarlkh-i- Ahmad S/iahl, B.M. Or. Ms. N^. 196 

(c. 1471 H.). 

37. Rae Chatarman, Chahar Gulshan, Irvine Ms. N^. 118 (1173 ii.). 

38. Shakir Khan, Gulshan-i-sadiq, Irvine Ms. No. 69 (c. 1174 ii.). 

39. 'All Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadl, B.M. Addl. 6580 (1174 ii.). 

40. Tdrlkh-iWlcumfir Scini, B M. Or. 1749 (c. 1174 ii.). 

41. Muhammad *^Ah, Burhanpuri, Mirat-us-saff'd, B.M. Addl. Mss. Nos. 

6539, 6540 (1179 h.). 

42. Dalpat Sing, Maldhat-i-maqdl, B.M. Or. Ms. N«. 1828 (c. 1181 ii.). 

43. Sayyad Muhammad, Bilgrami, Tabsirat-un-ndzirm, Irvine Ms. N^. 34 

(1182 H.). 

44. 'Abd-ul-latif, Ahmad-ndmah, Irvine Ms. No. 100 (1184 h.). 

45. Ashob, Shahddat-i-Farrukhslyar wa julus-i-Muhammad Shah by 

Mirza Muhammad BalvhSi, Ashob, B.M. Or. 1832 (1196 h.). 

46. Ghulam Hasan, Bilgrami, (Samin), Tazkirah, Irvine Ms. No. 113 
~(1197 H.). 

47. Ghulam Hasan, Bilgrami (Samin), Shardif-i-Sismdm, Irvine Ms. N". 27 
~~(c. 1200 H.). 

48. Ghulam ''Ah Khan, Muqaddamah-i-Shdh "Alam-ndmah, B.M. Addl. 
"24,028 (c. 1204 h.). 

49. Khair-ud-din Mhd, ''Ibratndmah, Irvine Ms. No. 15 (3 vols.) (c.1204h.). 

50. Waqdf-i-diydr-i-maghrib, Irvine Ms. N^. 189 (1213 H.) (almost 

identical with Tdrlkh-i-I/usain Shdhi by Imam uddin, Chisti, 
Rieu, 904). 

51. Imam-ud-din Chisti, Husain Shdht, BM Or. No. 1662 (1213 h.). 

52. Mhd 'Umr, Siwdnih-i-lihizrl, Irvine Ms. No. 80 (c. 1213—14 h.). 

53. Mhd =Ah Khan, Tdrlkh-i-muzaffarl, Irvine Ms. No. 25 (c. 1215— 16 h.). 

54. Rustam 'Ali, Bijnori, Rohelon k'l tdrikh, B.M. Addl. Ms. No. 26,284 

(1803 A.D. Urdia). 

55. Muhabbat Khan, son of Faiz ^Ata Khan, Daudzai, Akhbdr-i-muhabbat, 

Irvine mTno. 21 (1220 h.). 

56. Collection of Portraits, B.M. Oriental No. 375 (c. 1835 A.D.). 

IV. Books and Mss. in European languages. 

1. N. Manucci, Storia do Mogor, KonigUche Bibliothek, Berlin, Ms. Phil- 

Hpps 1945 (1700). 

2. Robert Orme, Ms. Collections now in the India Office (1760—1805). 

3. F. Catrou (and N. Manucci). Histoire Generale de I'Empire du Mogol, 

one vol. 4to. Paris, 1705, and 4 vols. 12o. or one volume 4to. 
Paris, 1715. 

4. F. Valentijn, Beschrijving van Oud en Nieuw Cost Indien, Vol. IV, 

fol. Dordrecht, 1726. 

5. Gemelli Careri, Voyage autour du Monde, 6 vols. 12mo. Paris, 1726. 

6. James Fraser, History of Nadir Shah, 2nd ed. 1742. 

7. R. 0. Cambridge, Account of the War in India, 1750— 60, 4to. 1761. 



304 LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED AND REFERRED TO. 

8. Jonas Hanway, Revolutions of Persia, 3rd. ed., 1762. 

9. De la Flotte, Essais Historiques sur I'lnde, 2 vols. 12nio. Paris, 1769. 

10. P. M. Anquetil Duperron, Zend Avesta, 3 vols. 4to., Paris, 1771. 

11. Minutes of Select. Com. House of Commons of 1772. 8vo. (T. Evans). 

London, 1772. 

12. J. Z. Hoi well, India Tracts, 3rd. ed. 1774. 

13. C. Carraccioli, Life of Robert Lord Clive, 4 vols. 1775? 

14. Davy and White, Institutes of Timour, 4to. Oxford, 1783. 

15. Asiatic Miscellany, 2 vols. 4to. Calcutta, 1785-6. 

16. J. Bernouilli, Description de I'lnde, 3 vols. 4to. Berlin, 1788. 

17. Seir Mutaqherin (1195 ii.), trans, by Notamanus (Haji Mustapba), 

3 vols., 4to. Calcutta, 1789. 

18. Asiatic Miscellany, 3 vols., 8vo. Cal. 1788. New Ditto, 4to., Cal. 1789. 

19. J. Rennell, Memoir of a Map of Hindoostan. 3rd. ed. 4to. 1793. 

20. E . Moor, Narrative of Capt. Little's Detachment, 4to. 1794. 

21. Jonathan Scott, History of Dekkan, 2 vols., 4to. Shrewsbury, 1794. 

22. A. Dalrymple, Oriental l^epertory, 2 vols. 4to. 1794-5. 

23. W. H. Tone, A letter on the Maratta people (1796), Bombay, 1798. 

24. Oriental Miscellany, Calcutta, 1798. 

25. W. Francklin, History of the reign of Shah Aulum, 4to. 1798. 

26. Sir W. Ouseley, Oriental Collections, 3 vols. 4to. 1797—1800. 

27. R. Orme, Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, 4to. 1805. 

28. W. Francklin, Military Memoir of Mr. George Thomas, 8vo. 1805. 

29. Lewis F. Smith, Rise and Progress of the Regular Corps, 4to. 

Calcutta 1805. 

30. Thomas Williamson, Oriental Field Sports, folio, 1807. 

31. Lieut.-Col. Mark Wilks, Historical Sketches of the South of India, 

3 vols. 4to. 1810—1817. 

32. W. Thorn, Memoir of the War in India, 1803-6, 4to. 1818. 

33. Lieut.-Col . Fitzclarence, Journal of a Route across India,! 81 7-8. 4to.l 81 9. 

34. Lieut.-Col. V. Blacker, Memoir of Operations in India 181 7—1 9. 4to. 1821 . 

35. Major D. Price, Chronological Retrospect of Mohammedan History, 

4 vols. 4to. 1811—1821. 

36. L. Langles, Monuments Anciens et Modernes del'Hindoustan, 2 vols., 

folio, Paris 1821. 

37. J. B. J. Gentil, Memoires sur I'lndoustan, 8vo. Paris, 1822. 

38. E. Lake, Sieges of the Madras Army, 1825. 

39. J. Leyden and W. Erskine, Memoirs of Baber (translated), 4to., 1826. 

40. J. Ranking, Historical Researches on the Wars and Sports of the 

Mongols and Romans, 4to. 1826. 

41. W. R. Pogson, History of the Boondelas, 4to. Calcutta, 1828. 

42. J. Prinsep, Useful Tables, Part. I, Calcutta 1834. 

43. Despatches of the Marquess Wellesley, K. G., ed. M. Martin, 5 vols., 1836. 

44. E. Quatremere (translator), Histoire des Mongols de la Perse, by 

Rashid-ud-dln, folio, Paris 1836. 

45. H. Wilkinson, Engines of War, 1841. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED AND REFERIlEl) TO. 305 

46. Chevalier P. Armandi, Histoire niilitaire des elephants, Paris, 1843. 

47. G. A. Hansard, Book of Archery, 1845. 

48. Captain St. J. D. Showers, Inscription on a gun at Moorshedabad, 

Journal A.S. Bengal, XVI, Calcutta, 1847. 

49. J. Shakespear, Hindustani English Dictionary, 4th. ed. 4to. 1849. 

50. J. B. Fraser, Military Memoirs of Lieut.-Col. James Skinner, C. B., 

2 vols. 1851. 

51. A. Rockstuhl and F. Gille, Musee de Tzarkoe (folio), St. Petersbourg 

1835—1853. 

52. Colonel F. Colombari, Les Zamboureks, Paris, 1853. 

53. W. Erskine, History of India under Baber and Humayun, 2 vols. 1854. 

54. M. Elphinstone, History of India, 4th ed., 1857. 

55. G. C. Mundy, Pen and Pencil Sketches in India, 3rd ed., 1858. 

56. H. M. Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, Roorkee, 1860. 

57. W. H. Russell, My Diary in India, 2 vols. 1860. 

58. R. Ornie, History of the Military Transactions in Indostan (reprint), 

3 vols. Madras, 1861. 

59. E. Thornton, Gazetteer of India, 1862. 

60. G. A. Herklots, M. D. Qanoone-Islam, 2nd ed. Madras, 1863. 

61. E. W. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, 1867, 

62. Colonel T. Seaton, From Cadet to Colonel, 2 vols. 1866. 

63. P. Meadows Taylor and James Fergusson, Architecture ofBeejapore, 

1866. 

64. Viscountess Combermere and W. W. Knollys, Memoirs of F. M. 

Viscount Combermere, 2 vols. 1866. 

65. A. Pavet de Courteille, Dictionnaire Turc Oriental, Paris, 1870. 

66. id. , Memoires de Baber, 2 vols. Paris, 1871. 

67. H. Blochmann, ^A^in-i-Akhari, 1 vol. (translation), Calcutta, 1873. 

68. Voyle and Stevenson, Military Dictionary, 3rd. ed. 1876. 

69. H. M. EUiot, History of India, Muhammedan Period, 8 vols. 1867— 1877. 

70. W. Irvine, Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad, Journal of the Asiatic 

Society of Bengal, vols. XLYH and~~XLYni, 1878, 1879. 

71. R. B. Shaw, Sketch of the Turki Language, Journal A. S. Bengal, 1878. 

72. M. J. Walhouse in "Indian Antiquary", Vol. VII, 1878. 

73. Honorable W. Egerton, Illustrated Handbook of Indian Arms, 1880. 

74. Graf F. A. von Noer, Kaiser Akbar, Leiden, 1880. 

75. id. , L'empereur Akbar, trans. Alf Maury, 2 vols., 
Leide, 1883. 

76. Col. T. H. Hendley, Memorials of the Jeypore Exhibition, 4 vols. 

London 1883. 

77. H. G. Raverty, Notes on Afghanistan, 4 parts, folio, 1881-3. 

78. S. W. Fallon, New Eng. Hindustani Dictionary, Benares, 1883. 

79. W. H. Lowe (translator), Muntakhah-ut-tawdrikh, Vol. II, of 'Abd- 

ul-Qadir (Bib. Ind.) Calcutta, 1884. 

80. John T. Platts, A Dictionary of Urdu, 1884. 

81. H. Yule and A. C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, a Glossary, 1886. 



306 J.IST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED AND REFERRED TO. 

82. David Mac Ritchie, Account of the Gypsies, 1886. 

83. Sir E. C. Bayley, The Local Muhammedan Dynasties, Gujarat, 1886. 

84. J. B. Tavernier, Travels in India, trans, by V. Ball, 2 vols. 1889. 

85. W. H, Lowe (translator), Tuzuk-i-Jahangirl, Fasc. 1 (Bib. Ind.) 

Calcutta, 1889. 

86. W. Hoey, M. A., D.Lit., TclrlkJi-i-Farah Bakhsh (1233 h.), trans., 

2 vols. Allahabad, 1888-9. 

87. F. Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire 1665-8, ed. A. Constable, 1891. 

88. Syad Mhd Latif, History of Labor, Labor, 1892. 

89. F. Steingass, Persian-Eng. Dictionary, 1892. 

90. T. D. Broughton, Letters written in a Mahratta Camp, 1809, new 

edition, 1892. 

91. Herbert Corapton, European Military Adventurers in India, 1892. 

92. G. B. Malleson, History of the French in India, 1893. 

93. Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, Vol. Ill, 

fol. Madras, 1893. 

94. W. Forbes Mitchell, Reminiscences of the Great Mutiny, 1893. 

95. E. G. Browne, M. A., A year among the Persians, 1893. 

96. I. Burton, Life of Captain Sir R. F. Burton, 2 vols. 1893. 

97. J. W. Mac Crindle, Invasion of India by Alexander, 1893. 

98. August Demmin, Die Kriegswaffen, 4th ed. Leipzig, 1893. 

99. Paul Horn, Das Heer und Kriegswesen dor gross Moghuls, Leiden, 1894. 

100. Emile Berbe, Le Nabab Rene Madec, Paris, 1894. 

101. Sir Hope Grant, Life and Correspondence, ed. H. Knollys, 2 vols. 1894. 

102. Parliamentary Paper, N^. 538, March 1894. 

103. N. Elias and E. D. Ross, Tdrlkh-i-Rashidi of Mirza Haidar Dughlat, 1895. 

104. John Martineau, Life and Correspondence of the Right Honorable 

Sir Bartle Frere, 2 vols. 8vo. 1895. 

105. Dr. S. Weissenberg in "Mittheilungen der Anthropologischen Gesell- 

schaft in Wien", Vol. XXV, Vienna, 1895. 

106. Col. R. C. Temple, Calcutta Review, October 1896. 

107. T. P. Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, 1896. 

108. W. Irvine, Nadir Shah and xMuhammad Shah, by Tilok Das, Journal 

A. S. Bengal, LXVI, Calcutta 1897. 

109. George S. A. Ranking (translator), ilfun^a/^/ia&M-i-toiyarl/^/i by "^Abd- 

ul-Qadir Badaoni, Vol. I (Bibl. Indica), Calcutta 1898. 

110. R. S. White way. The Rise of Portuguese Power in India, 1899. 

111. E, G Browne, The Chahar Maqdlah of "^Arudi, composed about 

1161A.D., Journal R. Asiatic Society, 1899. 

112. C. R. Wilson, Early Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. I and II 

(part 1), Calcutta 1895, 1900. 

113. E. Blochet, Inventaire des miniatures des manuscrits orientaux, 

Paris 1900. 

114. W. Irvine, Jangnamah of Farrukhslyar by Shridhar Murlidhar, 

Journal A. S. Bengal, LXIX, Calcutta 1900. 



CORRECTIONS, EMENDATIONS AND ADDITIONS. 

Page 7 (six lines from bottom). For "te" read "to". 
» 48, 1. 20, Miskin, Tahmasp-namah, B.M. Oriental Mss. NO. 1918, 

fol. 59a, states that the chihrahs of the mcmsabdars were 

written on red paper. 
y^ 49. The Imperial Brand. Manucci, Philiipps 1945.. part III, fol. 27, 

says that the imperial brand was of this shape CI , and was 

impressed on the horse's right flank. 
» 50. The Noble's Brand. Manucci, id., mentions that the nobles had 

a separate mark, but it was put on the horse's left flank. It 

consisted usually of the first letter of the noble's name. 
» 51, (line 2). For "niferred" read "inferred". 
» 62, note. For "Jems'" read "gems". 
» 64. The Akharnamah (Lucknow edition), III, p. 17, lines 10 and 11 

from foot, has dabalghah (spelt *aJ^). The same passage has 

the word pesh-blni for nose-guard. 
» 76 (line 11). For "seated" read "seated". 
» 99 (Add at end of paragraph). D. S. Margoliouth, "Journal of the 

Royal Asiatic Society" for July 1903, p. 491, in an article 'On 

the origin and import of the names Muslim and Hamf\ quoting 

a story from the Kamil, I, 210, refers to an ancient Arabian 

custom of giving protection to a stranger by writing on an 

arrow "So-and-so is my Guest". 
» 101 (line 26). Delete "to" after "into". 
» 110 (line 12). For "these" read "there". 
» 114 (line 9). For "fumaces" read "furnaces". 
» 117 (line 11). For "more" read "move". 
» 120 (line 4). For "is" read "it". 
» 148 (line 21, add at end of paragraph). The expression is also nsed 

in a Hindi poem (c. 1720) by one Sudisht, line 725, Mangae 

kahak ban sabh Hind ke. 
y> 188 (line 28). For "tell" read "till". 

» 192 (last line). For "these" read "there" and for "coops" read "crops". 
» 205 (line 19). For "these" read "there". 
» 216 (line 14). For "tho" read "the". 
» 233 (add under Caltrops). In the Edinburgh Museum of Science and 

Art, among the oriental exhibits, is a four-pronged caltrop said 

to have been found on the battle field of Multan (1849). This 

goes to show that the Sikhs used this mode of obstructing cavalry 

as late as the middle of the 19*^^ century. 



INDEX. 



A. 



Ah (temper of sword blade), 75. 

Ahlaq (black and white feathers), 97. 

Absence, without leave, 25. 

Adjutant-General (Bakhsht). 37. 
Advance guard ofiheCentYe{iltimish), 
226. 

Advances of pay, 18; recovery of, 18, 

Aftah (kind of standard), 32. 

Aftabglr, Affdhgirl, 31, 34. 

Agrah, siege of, 294. 

Ahadis, 10, 19, 25, 43, 53; Bakhshl 
of the, 40. 

Ahangav (blacksmith), 174. 

Ahmadnagar, 268. 

Ahsham, 20, 26, 43, 155, 160; three 
meanings of, 161. 

Aimaq, 241. 

Ajaigarh, 268. 

Ajmer, 269. 

Akbar, his rules for branding, 46; 
system of making over elephants 
to grandees, 20; artillery of, 115. 

Akbarabad, 269. 

Akhtah Begl (Master of the Horse), 21 . 

^Alam (a standard), 31, 32, 34, 85. 

'^Alamgir, artillery of, 116. 

A'^la Shahl (Exalted Imperial regi- 
ment), 44. 

'^Ala-ud-dln, Khilji, his branding 
system, 46. 

^Aligarh, 268. 

'^Alighol (class of tioops), 164. 

Alkhaliq (a tight coat), 29, 68. 



Allahabad, 269; siegesof 1719, 1750, 

290. 
Al Maisir (divining by arrows), 98. 
Amazons, 165. 
Ambush, 255. 
Amir (noble), 9. 
Amir-i-A'^zam (great noble), 9. 
Amir-ul-umai^a (Noble of Nobles). 38. 
Angarkhah (a long coat), 68. 
Ankri-dar (kind of arrow), 98. 
Ankus (elephant goad), 80. 
Ansar-i-maimcmah (right wing), 226. 
Ansar-i-maisarah (left wing), 226. 
Appointment of an Officer, mode of, 40. 
Approach by sap and mine, 273. 
""Arabah (gun carriage), 141; use of 

word, remarks on, 140. 
"Arabi (Arab troops), 51. 
Arabs, 169. 

"^ Aradah-toid (wheeled artillery), 140. 
Arah-kash (sawyers), 174. 
Arghun (mitrailleuse), 138. 
'^Arif; (old name of a BakJishl), 38. 
Arkalon (a tight coat?), 29. 
Armandi, treatise on elephants, 178. 
"Arme blanche", 73. 
Armour, defensive, 62, 63. 
Arms, offensive, 73; "short", 73. 
Army chiefly horsemen, 57 ; strength 

of the, 59; in the field, 190; on 

the march, 203; mai'ches, length 

of, 219. 
Arrow, 73, 97 ; and bow, 90 ; shafts, 

97; heads, 98; for practising, 98; 

symbolical use of, 98 (and see 



310 



INDEX. 



Errata); divining by, 98 ; declaring 
war by, 99 ; from the king's quiver, 
security for peace, 99; symbol of 
authority, 99. 

Artak-i-kajim (horse-housing), 71. 

Artificers, 20, 173. 

Artillery, 113; Babar's, 114; Huma- 
yun's, 115; Akbar's, 115; ""Alam- 
gir's 116; Light, 133; of the 
Stirrup, 133, 134; Moveable, 1 33 ; 
personnel of, 152; departments of, 
156 ; Manufacture of, 156 ; Arsenals, 
156; in battle, 230. 

Artillerymen, 20. 

"Arzah-dasht (report), 254. 

'^Arz-i-makarrar (Confirming Order), 
13, 18, 42. 

'^Asd-shamsher (straight sword), 76. 

Asirgarh, 268. 

Aslah (weapons generally), 62. 

Asnan (spears generally), 81. 

Assault on forts, modes of repelling 
282; repulsed, evacuation after. 284. 

Assignment of revenue (jdgir), 14. 

Astrologers, 202, 

Atak, 269. 

Atashbaz (firework-makers), 174. 

Audiences, parades during, 182. 

Auditors (mustaufis), 19. 

Aunchi (bow), 91. 

Aurang (throne), 31. 

Authorities, list of, 301 - 306. 

Axe, battle, 80; silver, 81. 

Ayyam-i-hilali, 19. 

A^hdaha-jmikar (kind of stiinda.rd.)32. 



Babar's Artillery, 114. 
Back-scratcher (piisht-khdr), 80. 
Badaha (class of artificer), 174. 
Bddalij (catapult), 129. 
Badalljah (catapult), 129. 
Badan (curtain of fort), 264. 
Badar (powder-bag), 151. 
Badraqah (escort), 210. 



Bagtar (body-armour), 66. 

Bahlr hangah (baggage), 191, 227. 

BakJishis, First, 39; the other, 39; 

second, 39; third, 39; fourth, 40; 

of the ahadis, 40. 
Bakhshi, of the Wdld Shdhls, 40; 

provincial and other, 40 ; of the 

Realms, 42. 
Bakhshi-i-tan, 39. 
Bakhshi-ul-mamdlik, 37; duties of, 38. 
Bakhshi-ul-mulk, 39. 
Baksariyah (kind of infantry), 168. 
Baktar (body armour), 66. 
Bdldhand (turban ornament), 29. 
Bdldtang (surcingle), 72. 
Ballam (kind of spear), 84. 
Ban (Rockets), 147. 
Bdti-anddz (rocket-man), 159. 
Bandahlide (servants), 44 n. 1. 
Bdn-ddr (rocket-man) 159, 169. 
Bandldr (part of a sword), 75. 
Banduq (a matchlock), 73, 103. 
B anduqchi-i-jang I (match\ock-m2in\ 

167. 
Banduq-i-chaqmdqi (flint musket), 

105. 
Bangarh, siege of, 291. 
Banjdra (grain-carrier), 192. 
Bank (kind of dagger), 86, 87. 
Baranghdr (right wing), 226. 
Bardt (order on Treasury), 56. 
Barchhd, Barchhah, Barchhi, Birchha 

(kind of spear), 83. 
Barchhah, see "Barchha". 
Bargarh, 269. 

Bargl (name for Mahrattahs), 171. 
Bdrglr (hired trooper), 37, 47. 
Bargustuwdn (elephant armour), 66. 
Bargustuwdn-posh (armour-clad ele- 
phant), 176. 
Barqanddz (matchlockman), 20, 166. 
Bartarafl (rejection of horses), 22, 

24, 25, 26. 
Bdrut-khdnah (powder magazine), 

151." 



INDEX 



311 



Basall (an armourer). 174. 

Basolah (kind of weapon), 81. 

Battle Axes {tahar). 73, 80. 

Battle cries, 231. 

Battles, particular, force present at 
60 : order of, 223 ; conduct of 229 ; 
particular, 244; reports of, 254. 

Bayonet {sang'ui), 83. 

Bazciv (camp market), 191. 

Baz-yaft (item under objection), 19. 

Beldar (a digger), 173, 174. 

Belly-piercer (kind of dagger), 86. 

Besiegers and Besieged, communi- 
cation between, 287. 

Beiita (chain-mail shirt), 67. 

Bhal (arrow-head), 97. 

Bhala (kind of spear), 82. 

Bhanju (part of armour), 69. 

Bhartpur, 268. 

Bhllah (class of infantry). 170. 

Bichwa (kind of dagger), 87. 

Bijapur, siege of, 289. 

BilTi-shart (unconditional pay), 13. 

Bimarl (illness), 25. 

Bimari-namah (medical certificate). 
25. 

Birinjara (grain-carrier). 192. 

Blacksmiths' forges, establishment of, 
52. 

Blank Cartridge, 107. 

Blockades, 272. 

Blowing from guns, 184. 

Burj bar ah (fortifications). 264. 

Bound Hedge. 261. 

Bow (of a saddle), 72. 

Bows and arrows, 73, 90, 91 ; esti- 
mation of, 90 ; recent use of, 90 ; 
make of, 92; mode of drawing, 
94, 96 ; stringing the, 102 ; shooting 
with, 102. 
Bow-men, 53. 

Brand, imperial, 49 (and see Errata) ; 
the noble's, 50 (and see Errata). 
Branding. 45. 
Bridge of boats, 211. 



Broad cloth, 73 n. 1. 
Bunain (butt of spear), 81. 
Bimdelahs (class of infantry), 169. 
Burning oil, throwing of, 282. 



Cailletoque (a musket), 107. 
Caltrops, 233 and see Errata. 
Camps and Camp Equipage, 195; a 

description of, 195. 
Cannon, construction of, 114; rate 

of firing, 116; names of, 118; 

mode of mounting, 121 ; heavy, 

desci'iptions of, 123; wooden, 128. 
Cartridge, blank, 107. 
Casualties, 22. 
Cavalry charges, 232; Moghul, tactics 

of, 234. 
Centre (qui, qalb), 226; advance 

guard of the (iltimish'), 226 ; wings 

of the (tarah), 227. 
Certificate of heirship (warisnamah)^ 

27 ; from Bakhshfs office {tasdlq), 

41, 42. ~~ 

Chadar (missile or tent or mantlet), 

131. 
Chaghatae language, use of, 184. 
Chahar-a'inah (breastplate), 66. 
Chahlam (kind of armour), 68. 
Chakhmagh (battle-axe), 81. 
Chakhmdq (id.), 81. 
Chalanl (small piece of artillery), 138. 
Chalqat (doublet over armour), 69. 
Chamchaq (kind of battle-axe), 81. 
Chamkhakh (a long knife), 87. 
Chamkhaq (kind of battle-axe), 81. 
Chandawiil (the rear-guard), 227. 
Chandu (imperial fort), 269. 
Changal-i-baz (mode of holding bow), 

102. 
Chapkunchi (a reconnaisance), 241. 
Chapqalash (an onslaught), 233,241. 
Chaqchdq (kind of knife), 87. 
Chaqchaql-i-wilayatl (a long knife), 

89. 



312 



INDEX. 



ChaqU (a knife), 89. 
Charges of cavalry, 241. 
C/iarlvh (cross-bow), 92. 
CharlihcJd-hashl (head bowman), 92. 
Chatr (state umbrella), 31. 
Clicitr-lok (yak-tail standard), 31. 
Chaukl (guard), 23, 25, 188. 
C/iauki-khd)iah (guard-house), 196. 
Chelas (slaves, household troops), 11. 
Chevaux-de-frise (caltrops), 233 and 

see Corrections. 
Chharl (rocket-stick), 147. 
Chhatah-i-qila^h (platform ?), 264. 
Chihaltah (wadded coat), 68, 69. 
Chihilqad (wadded coat), 69. 
Chihrah (descriptive roll), 47. 
Chihrah-i-aspan (descriptive roll of 

horses), 49. 
Chihrah-i-tabinan (descriptive roll 

of troopers), 48. 
Chillah (bow-string), 93. 
Chilta (wadded coat), 69. 
Chinglapat (fortress), 268. 
Chirah, meaning of, 47 n. 1. 
Chirivah (kind of shield), 78. 
Chob-sibae (wooden-tower), 279. 
Choppers (thatches of roofs), 282. 
Christians in Mogul Service, 152, 153, 

154; contempt for, 152, 153. 
Coats, wadded, 69. 
Colligation in fighting, 237, 238. 
Combat, single, 236. 
Commander-in-Chief, 37. 
Commissariat, 191. 
Conditional pay (jmashrut), 13. 
Confirmation of orders ("arz-i-ma- 

karrar), 18. 
Contingent (suivars), 6. 
Coup-de-main, 270. 
Cross-bow (charkli), 92, 95. 
Crossing Rivers, 211. 
Crutch, fakir's, 77. 
Cuirass (oi/inah), 67. 



D. 



Dabalrjhah (helmet), 64 and see 
•'Corrections". 

Daggers, 73, 85. 

Dagh, 13, 25. 

Daghlah (quilted coat), 68, 

Dagh-o-mahaUl (parades), 46. 

Dagh-o-tashlhah (Branding and Veri- 
fication), 46. 

Bagla (quilted coat), 68. 

Dah-bist (proportion of horses to 
men), 10. 

Dakhili troops, 160. 

Dam (a coin of account), 6. 

Damclghah (holes on fortress wall 
for pouring down boiling oil), 266. 

Dant-tinka (form of surrender), 185. 

Bar goshah-i-kaman zadan (to cap- 
ture), 240. 

Daroghah-i-dak (Chief of Post), 213. 

Daroghah-i-harkdrah (Head Spy), 
213. 

Daroghah-i-topkhdnah (artillery ge- 
neral), 154. 

Dashnah (kind of dagger), 89. 

Dastar (a turban), 29. 

Dast-i-chap (left wing), 226. 

Dast-i-rast (right wing), 226. 

Dastwanah (gauntlets), 70. 

Daul (estimate), 18. 

Daulatabad (fortress), 268. 

Daulat-khdnah (emperor's residence), 
199. 

Dead on battle field not buried, 259. 

Death (fauti)^ rules for pay, 25, 27. 

Deductions from Pay, 19. 

Defeat, 241. 

Defensive armour, 02. 

Deficiency, in horses, 22; in equip- 
ment, 22; in troopers, 22. 

Deg (Mortars), 129. 

Deg-anddz (mortar-man), 129, 158, 
169. 



INDEX. 



313 



Delay in Verification, fines for 24, 54. 

Description of an army on the march, 
203. 

Descriptive Roll, of men, 47; of 
horses, 49. 

Desertion {Farari)^ 25; pretended, 
255. 

mm (a shield), 77. 

Bhalait (foot-soldier), 165. 

Bhamcikah (small gun), 135, 137. 

Dhara (kind of mace), 79. 

Dharwar (fortress), 268. 

Dhunah (cotton-carder), 174. 

Dhup (straight sword), 76. 

Diary, see Waqi^ah. 

Diary-writer, see Waqi^ah navls. 

Bircc'h (measure of length), 217. 

Discharge {bartarafl), 25. 

Discipline,' 182. 

Dismounting to fight, 237. 

Divination by arrows, 98. 

Biwan-i-ala (chief minister), 17. 

Biwan-i-tan (second revenue mi- 
nister), 16, 39. 

Driver of elephant, general changing 
places with, 257. 

Do-angr-?)azl (kind of sword-pIay),l 85. 

Dog, killing of, before a siege, 270. 

Dohad (fortress), 269. 

Bo muhcin ah (kind of arrow-head), 98. 

Drill, 182, 185. 

Drums, miniature, 30. 

BUasjJcth, 23. 

Bumchl (crupper), 72. 

BUr-bm (telescope), 246 n. 1. 

Duties of the Bahhs/il-ul-mamalik, 
38. " 

E. 

Elephants, in general, 175; made 
over to grandees, 20 ; gifts of, 30 
armour of, 175; kfiasah, 178 
names of, 179; disuse of, 179, 180 
numbers in use, 180. 

Elephant-guad (aukus), 80. 



Emperor's taking the field in person, 

202; conveyance of, and usages on 

his passing by, 210. 
Ensigns, 31. 

Entering the service, procedure on, 36. 
Equipment, 62, 73, 90; deficiency in, 

22. 
Escort (badraqah), 210. 
Establishment, subordinate, 52. 
Estimate, rough, 17; {daul), 18. 
Estimation of weapons, 90. 
Europeans in Mogul service, 152, 153, 

154. 
Evacuation of fortress, after repulsed 

assault, 284. 
Exercises, 182. 



Fakir's crutch, 77. 

FalakJian (sling), 95. 

Falltah (match for firelock), 107. 

Farangi (European), 172. 

Fararl (desertion), 25, 26. 

F3.vnevs{na^lband), 53; establishment 
of, 52. 

FasU (terre-plein), 264. 

Fausse-braye (rauni), 265. 

Fauti (death casualties), 25, 27. 

Fencing Shields, 78. 

Field Pieces, 138. 

Fighting, on foot, 237 ; colligation in, 
237, 238 ; technical terms of, 239. 

Fines, 22, 63. 

Finger stall (zihglr), 93. 

Fish (Mahl) standard, 32; and digni- 
ties, 33 ; fish-scale armour {baktar), 
67. 

Fish back-bone (Khar-i-mahl), 80. 

Flags, 31, 32; of truce, 214. 

Flail (sant), 80. 

Flight, of inhabitants, 1 94; pretended, 
255. 

Flint-lock (banduq-i-chaqmaql),iOb. 

Fodder, 192. 

Foraging, 192. 



314 



INDEX. 



Force actually present at particular 
battles, 60. 

Fording river, 212. 

Fortresses, keys of. 287. 

Forts and strongholds, 260; des- 
cription of, 260; Hill, 262; small, 
description of, 266; particular, des- 
cription of, 267; Imperial, 268. 

Furlough, 25. 



Gajbag (elephant goad), 80. 
Gajbail (kind of sword), 77. 
Gajnal (small gun), 435. 
Gandam (a chopper), 85. 
Ganj-i-shahld (martyrs' grave), 259. 
Gardani (amazons), 166. 
G«rrfa?2i (neck-piece for horse), 71, 72. 
Gardi (drilled French sepoys), 106. 
Garguz (kind of mace), 79. 
Garh (a fort), 264. 
Garhi (small fort), 264. 
Gar My a (small fort), 85. 
Garwah (a shield), 78. 
Gaz-i-ilahi (measure of length), 217. 
Ghahdrah (kind of field-piece), 129. 
Ghair-haziri (absence), 25. 
Ghaznain (fortress), 269. 
Ghet^a (kind of shield), 78. 
Gherah (kind of arrow), 98. 
Ghoghi (armour head-piece), 65. 
Ghol (troop), 226. 
Ghor-dahan (kind of matchIock),lll. 
Ghughl (armour head-piece), 65. 
Ghughwah (armour head-piece), 70. 
Ghunghl (armour head-piece), 65. 
Gifts, of money, 1 8 ; other than money, 

29. 
Gingall (wall-piece), 109. 
Ginjal (wall-piece), 110. 
Gipsies, 116. 

Girih-kushd (kind of spear), 94. 
Girwah (a shield), 78. 
Guhhan (a sling), 95. 
Godhu (ai-m-guard), 100. 



Golandaz (artillery-man), 158, 169. 
Gold-coin presented on passing by of 

emperor, 210. 
Goonga (battlements?), 264. 
Goonju (battlements?), 264. 
Gophan (a sling), 95. 
Goshah (notches of bow). 93. 
Government revenue, assignment of 

{jagir). 14. 
Grandees, elephants made over to, 20. 
Grass cutters, 191. 
Gudka (single-stick), 185. 
Gulalbar (imperial enclosure), 195, 

199. 
Gulel (pellet-bow), 95. 
Guns, na mes of, 1 1 8 ; heavy,! 1 8 — 1 28 ; 

light, 133—147; wooden, 128; 

spiking, 241. 
Gupti (stick-sword), 77. 
Giipti-kard (knife in stick), 89. 
Gurdaspur, siege of, 285. 
Gurohah, kaman-i- (pellet-bow), 95. 
Gu7'z (mace), 79. 
Gusains (kind of infantry), 163. 
Gwaliyar, 269. 

H. 

Hadaf (object aimed at), 101. 
Haiat-i-majmu% (mode of attack), 

241. 
Hallah (charge), 241. 
Halqah (class of elephants), 178. 
Hama^il (shoulder-belt), 75. 
Handl (fire- pot) 282 
Hanger (kind of dagger), 87. 
Haqiqat (statement), 16, 40. 
Harakat-i-mazbuhl (a feeble attack), 

239. 
Harawal (vanguard), 225. 
Harem women with armies, 200. 
Harked (part of armour). 68. 
Harkarah (spy, scout), 213. 
Hasanpur, battle of, 245. 
Hashu (margin of account book), 26. 
Hathnal (small gun), 135. 



INDEX. 



315 



Hathras (fortress), 268. 

Haudah, 176. 

Hazatn (artillery captain), 23, 157. 

Bazlr-i-rlkah (present at Court), 9. 

Heads, pillars of, 242. 

Heavy Guns, 113, 118; desci'iptions 
of, 123. 

Hedge, Bound, 261. 

Heirship, certificate of {ivaris-n amah), 
27. 

Heralds (naqlb), 231 ??. 1. 

Ilissah-i-ajnds (]iayment in kind), 19, 

' 20. 

Historians, florid style of, 244. 

Horsemanship, 187. 

Horsemen, Mogul army made up of,57. 

Horses, in general, 29; deficiency in, 
22 ; to be furnished by recruits, 47 ; 
descriptive roll of, 49; classifi- 
cation of, 51 ; "^Arabi, 51 ; Persian, 
51 ; Mujannas, 51 ; Turkl, 51 ; 
Yahu, 51 ; Tdzi, 51 ; Janglah 51 ; 
discrepancy of, 52. 

Humayun, artillery of, 115. 

Hunting, 189. 

Huqqah (hand-grenade), 282. 

Huqqah-i-atash (id.), 131. 



I. 



Iflall (advanced troops), 225. 
Ilghar (forced march), 218. 
Illness (Bimarl), 25. 
Iltimish (part of order of battle) 226. 
'^Imarl (protected howdah), 176. 
'^Inan (reins), 72. 
Infantry, 161; pay of, 173. 
Intervals after which verification ^vas 

imperative, 54. 
Investment of fortresses, 272. 



Jaba (coat of mail), 67. 
Ja*bah (a quiver), 99. 



Jackets, quilted cotton, 64. 
Jae narela (part of sword) 75. 
Jaglr (assigmenL of revenue), 14, 22. 
Jacfirs, management of, 15, 16. 
Jaiba/i (coat of mail), 07. 
Jaiba/L-i-Jiazar-mikht (kind of armour), 

67. ~ 

Jaitpur, siege of, 289. 
Jail (railing before throne), 199. 
Jamagl (match for fire-lock), 107. 
Jamah (court dress), 29. 
Jamah-i-fatahl (kind of coat), 68. 
Jama'^hdar (petty leader), 183. 
Jambishi, topkhanah-i- (light field 

artillery), 133. 
Jamblyah (kind of dagger), 87. 
Jambwah (kind of dagger), 87. 
Jamdhar (kind of dagger), 86. 
Jamhhak (kind of dagger), 87. 
Janib-i-yasar (left wing), 226. 
Janjal (wall -piece), 109. 
Jaranghar (left-wing), 226. 
Jats, said to be gipsies, 116. 
Jauhar (temper of sword-blade), 75. 
Javelin or short spear, 81. 
Jazail (wall-piece), 109, 111. 
Jazair (id.), 109. 
Jhalar (a fringe), 33. 
Jhambwah (kind of dagger), 87. 
Jhanda (a flag), 31. 
Jhansi, 269. 

Jihlam (kind of armour), 68. 
Jinjal (wall-piece), 110. 
Jinji, siege of, 289. ' 
Jins (goods, food-stuff), 20. 
/msi, top-kJvanah-i- (light artillery), 

133. 
Jodhpur, 269. 

Joshan (kind of armour), 66, 68. 
Jubah (kind of armour), 67. 
Juhar (immolation), 242. 
Juzah-i-harawal(\)art of van-guard), 

226. 
Juzzail, see ^''JazuiV'. 



316 



INDEX. 



Ka%ah (a long gown), 29. 

Kabul, 269. 

Kahak-hanha (kind of rocket), 148. 

Kahardah, Hindustani (class of arti- 
ficer), 174. 

Kahardah, Turdni (class of artificer). 
174. 

Kaitok, kaitoke (kind of matchlock). 
108, 171. 

Kajem (horse-armour). 71. 

Kajim (id.), 71. 
Kakriln (fortress), 269. 

Kala Piyadah (kind of infantry), 171. 
Kalinjar (fortres.s), 268, 269. 
Kamal (kind of armour), 69. 
Kamal-posh (Blanket Wearers), 44. 
Kaman{hovi). 73, 92; i-gurohah.9b. 
Kamand (rope-ladder), 281. 
Kaml-i-haradari (deficiency of men), 

22. 
Kamin-gah (ambush), 255. 
Kammal (blanket), 44. 
Kamnait (kind of archer), 96. 
Kamptl (bambu bow), 96. 
Kamr (accoutrements), 107. 
Kamrhand (waist belt), 29. 
Kamrgah (part of fortress), 264. 
Kamr-i-khanjar (sword-belt), 75. 
Kamr sal (sword-belt), 75. 
Kamthah, kamanth (kind of bow), 95. 
Kandanah, siege of, 289. 
Kangrah (fortre.ss), 269. 
Kantha-sohlid (gorget), 70. 
Kard (a long knife), 88. 
Karkhanahs (workshops), 196. 
Karnalakl (class of infantry), 170. 
Karranai (horns), 208. 
KdrtUs (cartridge), 107. 
Kasarat (exercises), 185. 
Kashmir (fortres.s), 269. 
Kn.uir-i-do-daml (deduction from 

m), 19. 



Kalah-i-has (arrow-shaft?), 97 n. 1. 
Katar, katarah, katdrl (dagger). 85. 
iira^i6a/i-i-6as/i (arrow-shaft?), 97 n.l. 
Kaukabah (kind of .standard), 31, 32, 

33. 
Kayetoc (kind of matchlock), 108. 
Kettledrums, 30. 
Khakrez (glacis), 264. 
Khall-goli (blank cartridge), 107. 
Khal-o-kliat (marks on horse), 49. 
Khan (Lord), 28. 
Khanda (kind of sword), 76. 
Khanjar (kind of dagger), 86. 
Khapwah (kind of dagger), 87. 
Kharati (turner), 174. 
Kharch-i-sikkah (a deduction from 

pay), 19. 
Khargah (kind of tent), 195. 
Khar-i-mahl (kind of mace), 80. 
Khasak (caltrops), 233 and Errata. 
Khelnah. siege of, 289. 
Klierah (a shield), 78. 
KhiUjf't (robe of honour). 29. 
Khila^t-khanah (state wardrobe), 29. 
Khoghi (armour head piece), 65. 
Khogir (saddle), 72. 
Khor hahliyah (class of artificer), 174. 
Khud (helmet), 64. 
KhundU-pkdnsl (kind of mace), 79, 

80. 
Khurdk-i-dawabb (feed of cattle), 7, 
~i9, 20, 178. 
Richlm (horse-armour), 71. 
Kilk (arrow-shaft), 97. 
Knives, 85. 
Koft work, 62. 

Kohar-tardsh (kind of arrow), 98. 
Kont (kind of spear), 85. 
Kos length of, 216. 
Kotdh sildh (short-arms), 73. 
Kotah-yardq (short-arms), 73. 
Kothl (kind of armour), 69. 
Koiivdl (police officer), 210, 
Kuc/ia ft- L-aalaina I (coMimd way), 274. 



INDEX. 



317 



Kuhuk (kind of rocket), 148. 
Kiimraurgah (part of fortress;, 264. 
Kunrjur (battlements), 264. 
Kurkuh (kind of drum), 30 n. 1. 

L. 

Ladders, scaling, 271, 281. 

Lais (kind of arrow), 98. 

Labor (fortress), 269. 

Lake, Lord, maid conferred on, 33. 

Lance, cavalry, 82; Mahratta use of, 
82. 

Langarkhanah (charitable kitchen), 
191. " 

Lange (kind of spear), 84, 85. 

Lankarkot (fortress), 269. 

Leader's death or disappearance, effect 
of, 235; changing places with ele- 
phant driver, 257. 

Leather Guard (godhu), 100. 

Leave of absence, 25. 

Left Wing, 226. 

Length of marches, 215. 

Lezam (bow for exercising), 185. 

Light artillery. 133. 

Lion dignity (Sher~mar7jJAh), 34. 

Loans, 18; recovery of, 18. 

Lord {Khan), 28. 

Losses, 244; statistics of, 258. 

M. 

Maces (gurz), 73, 79. 

Madad-i-mu'ash(kindof2i\\o\waince),3. 

Mahadaji-Sendhia, 33. 

Mahallah (parades), 46, 182 n. 1. 

Mahasarah kardan (to invest a 

fortress), 264. 
Mahi (a kind of standard), 32. 
Mahi-o-maratib (kind of standard), 

.31, 33. 
Mahratta use of lance, 82. 
Mahgun shudan (to be invested), 264. 
Mahsur shudan (id.), 264. 
Mahldb (blue lights), 151. 
Maimanah (right wing), 226. 



Mairtah (fortress), 269. 
Maisarah (left wing), 226. 
Maisir, al- (divination by arrows), 98. 
Malhus-i-klids (emperor's robes), 29. 
Malchdr (mode of approach during 

a siege), 278. 
Malk (part of armour?), 68. 
Manjaniq (catapultj, 130. 
Manqalah (advanced troops), 225. 
Mansab, generally, 3. 42; first class, 

6; .second class, 6; third class, 6; 

sy.stem, 58; .system, connection 

with number of men present, 58. 
Mansabdars, 19, 43; formed an army 

of horsemen, 57. 
Mangab-i-zat, table of, with yearly 

pay, 8. 
Mantlet (turah), 146, 278. 
Marabba'^ (mode of archery). 102. 
Mardtib (kind of standard), 33. 
March, army on the, 202; description 

of. 203; lengthof,215, 219— 222; 

measurements made of, 216 ; official 

day's, 216; forced, 218. 
Marching through pa.sses, 212. 
Maru (parrying shield), 79. 
Masari (part of armour?), 68. 
Mashrut (conditional pay), 13. 
Mashrut-ba-khidmat (id.), 13. 
Match (falitah), 107. 
Matchlockmen, 20, 53; rates of pay, 

167. 
Matchlocks. 73, 90, 91, 103; barrels, 

106; stocks, 106; hammer of, 106. 
Measurements of marches, mode of, 

216. 
Memorandum (ydd-ddfiht), 18, 42. 
Mewatl (class of infantry), 170. 
Mewrah (post-runners), 170. 
Mighfar (part of armour), 65. 
Military music and the^Yaufea^ 207. 
Mllteq (a matchlock), 108. 
Mines, 271, 273, 275. 
Mink-bdshl (artillery captain), 157. 
Mir 'Art (old name of Bakhshi), 38. 



318 



INDEX. 



Mir Atash (general of artillery), 154; 
duties of, 155. 

Mir Balir (head of boatmen), 211. 

Mir Bakhshl (second noble), 37. 

Mirdahah (petty officer), 23, 26, 158. 

il/irManziZ(Quarter-master-general), 
190. 

Missiles, 90. 

Mizan (kind of standard), 32. 

Mochi (class of artificer), 174. 

Moghul Army, an army of horsemen, 
57. 

Moghul cavalry, tactics compared 
with Europeans, 234. 

Moghul Empire, War Organization 
of, reasons for decay of, 296; no 
patriotism, 296, 297; badly con- 
structed, 297; weakened by jea- 
lousies of officers, 297, 298; bad 
system of recruitment, 298, 299 ; 
troops only fit for a procession or 
a charge, 300. 

Mortars {deg), 129. 

Mounting Guard, 188. 

Mozah-i-ahant (part of armour), 71. 

Mugdar (wooden clubs), 185. 

Mughal (class of infantry), 172. 

Miiharmf (mode of archery), 102. 

Muhnal (scabbard mountings), 75. 

Muhrah-i-rahkalah (nozzle of field- 
piece), 146. 

Muhtasib (Censor), 210. 

Munger (fortress), 269. 

Muqabil-kob (catapult), 130. 

Muqaddamah-ul-jais (vanguard), 
225. 

Murchal (battery, entrenchment), 
271. 

Musa'^adat (money advances), 18 

Musht (mode of archery), 102. 

Music, military, 207. 

Mustaufis (auditors), 19. 

Musters, false, 45. 

Mutalibah (recovery of loans), 18, 38. 



N. 

habah (furrows on sword blade), 75. 

Nagas (class of infantry), 163. 

Ndgphani (kind of shield), 78. 

Nagpur (fortress), 268. 

Najib (class of infantry), 164. 

Najjar (carpenters), 174. 

Nal (barrel), 103. 

Naqar-khanah (music-room or Band- 
stand), 196. 

Naqb (under-mining), 271, 275. 

Naqb-kun (digger), 174. 

Naqd (cash pay), 14, 20. 

Naqlb (herald), 231 n. 1. 

Naqqdrah (kettle-drums), 30, 208. 

Nardubdn (scaling-ladders) 271 , 281 . 

Narsingh moth (kind of dagger), 87. 

Nasaqchi (army police), 227. 

Naubat (drum-beating), 30, 207. 

Nawak (kind of bow), 96. 

Negotiations, 214. 

Nets (redes) for hunting tigers, 203 n. i . 

Nezah (lance), 81, 82. 

Nezah-bazan (spear-men), 82. 

Ni'^amat Khan, ATi, quoted, 244. 

Night surprizes, 257. 

Nimah-asiln (a jacket), 29. 

Nimchah-shamsher (short sword), 
75, 112. 

Noble ofNobles(ylmir-w?-wmam),38. 

Non-verification (^adam-i-tashihah), 
22. 

Notch of bow, 93. 

Nuktah (kind of arrow), 98. 

Number of weapons carried, 73. 

O. 

Observations, general, 296. 

Offensive weapons, 90. 

Offering presented on passing of 

emperor, 210. 
Officer, first appointment of, 40. 
Official day's march, 216. 
Officials and their duties, 55. 



INDEX. 



319 



Oil, burning, throwing of, 282. 

Opchl (a bowman), 91. 

Oqchl (a bowman), 91. 

Order of battle, 223. 

Orders, confirmation of (^arz-i-ma- 

karrar), 18. 
Organ (Arghnn), 138. 
Organization, 183. 
Ornaments, jewelled, 29. 



P. 



Paehaql, right to collect arrears of 

Jaglr rents, 21. 
Paemali (compensation for damaged 

crops), 193. 
Pahrl (small shield), 78. 
Paikan (arrow-headj, 97. 
Paikan-kash (arrow-drawer), 101. 
Pakhar (elephant armour), 176. 
Palarak (a sword), 75. 
Pa^i-si?/a/Hkindofgun-ammunition), 

151. 
Palkls (litters), 29. 
Po.Uah (headstall), 72. 
Panach or panchak (bow-string), 93. 
Pandi-hallam (kind of spear), 84. 
Panjah (kind of standard), 31, 34. 
Panjmukh (kind of spear), 84. 
Par (arrow-feathei's), 97. 
Parades (mahallah, sandidan), 182, 

id. n. 1. 
Parah (gun-hammer), 106. 
Par rah has tan (hattle-array), 223. 
Parlal (baggage) 191. 
Particularbattle,forceactually present 

at, 60. 
Parusa (battle-axe), 81. 
Passes, marching through, 212. 
Patapaii or striped tents, 198. 
Pathabaz (swordsman), 165. 
Patkah (part of armour), 71. 
Patkah-poshan, 71. 
Patrolling, 209. 
Patta (rapier), 77. 



Pay, yearly, table of Mansah-i-zat, 
8-, rates of, 8; for one horseman, 
10; date from which drawn, 12; 
conditional (MashrTU) 13; uncon- 
ditional (Bila-shart), 1 3 ; in arrears 
always, 13; in Naqd (cash), 14; 
by Jaglr (assignment), 14; rates 
of infantry, 172. 

Paymaster and Adjutant-General 
{Bakhshi-ul-mamalik), 37, n. 1. 

Paymaster-General (id.), 37. 

Pensions, 25, 26. 

Percussion weapons, 105. 

Peshkhanah (advance-tents), 495. 

Peshqabz (kind of dagger), 88. 

Pharl (fencing shield), 78. 

Pioneers, 53. 

Pishawar (fortress), 269. 

Pistol {tabanchah or Pisiol), 73, 90, 
91, 91, 111, 112. 

Piyadagan (infantry), 160. 

Piyadah (foot-soldier), 24. 

Piyazl (kind of mace), 79. 

Plundering, untimely, 236. 

Pommel ofasaddle(gar6ws, qcish)^ 72. 

Powder Bags, 282. 

Powder horn, 107. 

Powder Magazines, 151. 

Practising, arrow used for, 98. 

Privileges (mangab), 4. 

Procedure on entering Service, 36. 

Provincial and other BaJihshls, 40. 

Punishments, 184. 

Pushtah (field shelter), 109. 

Pusht-khar (kind of mace), 80. 



Q. 



Qabchah (quilted under-jacket), 63. 
Qabz (pay-bill), 26. 
Qabzah (sword-hilt), 75. 
Qabzahgar (mode of archery), 102. 
Qaiduq (a matchlock), 108. 
Qainchi-i-bdn (rocket tripod), 148. 
Qal'ah (a fort), 264. 



320 



INDEX. 



QaVachah (small fort) 264. 
Qalandara (kind of arrow), 98. 
Qalciwurl (skirmishers), 224, 
Qalh (centre of army), 226. 
Qamargah (•centre of army), 226. 
Qamchi-kard (narrow knife), 89. 
Qamrgah (mode of hunting), 189. 
Qandahar, siege of, 289. 
Qanduq (gun-stock), 408. 
Qarawal (skirmishers), 189, 225. 
Qarawal Begi (chief of skirmishers, 

Head huntsman), 189. 
QarhUs (pommel of saddle), 72. 
Qasarah (kind of field-piece), 140. 
Qash (pommel of saddle), 72. 
Qctshqah (frontlet), 71, 72. 
Qashun (hody of troops), 183. 
Qatas (yak-tail), 34. 
Qcizaql (mode of attack), 240. 
Qidr (a cauldron?). 111. 
Qil'ah (a fort), 264. 
Qila^hddr (fort commandant), 269, 
Qirhdn (bow-case), 100. 
Qizzilbash (Persian horsemen), 58. 
Quilted cotton jackets, 64. 
Quiver (tarkash), 99; the King's, a 

symbol of authority, 99. 
Qui (a slave, also centre of army), 

44 n. 1, 226, 
QTiltuq (the armpit), 108. 
Qumqicmah(kmd of standard), 32,33. 
Qunddq (gun-stock), 104. 
Qur (armoury, armed attendants), 

31, 205. 
Qurbegl (head of armoury), 205. 
QurqcMs (emperor's guard), 169. 



R. 



Raesen (fortress), 269. 

Rahkalah (wheeled field-piece), 135, 

139; use of word, remarks on, 

140. 
Rahkalah-hdr (artillery park), 200, 
Rainee (fausse-braye), 265. 



Ramchangi (kind of small cannon), 
137. 

Rdmjaki (id.), 137. 

Rdmjangi^ (id.), 137. 

Rdmjankl (id.), 135, 137. 

Rdnak (greaves), 71. 

Ranigarh (fortress), 269. 

Rank (mansab)^ 4. 

Rank, suwar, 9. 

Ranking's work on elephants, 178. 

Ranthambhor (fortress), 269. 

Raonl (fausse-braye), 265. 

Rasad-i-jins (payment in kind), 20. 

Raunee (fausse braye), 265. 

Rauti (a small tent), 195. 

Rawat (a Hindu trooper), 171. 

Rear guard, 227. 

Recovery of loans and advances, 18. 

Recruit, to furnish own horse, 47. 

Redes (nets for hunting tigers), 203 n. 1 . 

Reduction of fortresses by Starvation, 
284. 

Refuge, places of, 263. 

Regiments. 57. 

Rejections, 22. 

Reklas (kind of conveyance), 139 >?. 1. 

Renny (fausse braye), 265. 

Report {Haqlqat). 41. 

Resignation, 25. 

Revenue, assignment of (jdgir), 14. 

Right Wing of army, 226. 

Rikdb (stirrups), 72, 134. 

Risdlah (department), 42. 

Rivers, crossing of, 211 ; fording, 212. 

Robes (of Honour), 29. 

Rockets (ban, kahak-ban), 73, 147'. 
mode of carrying, 148; description 
of, 149, 150; mode of discharging, 
149, 150, 151. 

Rodd (bow-string), 93. 

Rolls, descriptive, 47, 49; for Troo- 
pers, 48. 

Ruhtas Khiii-d (fortress), 269. 

Rukhsat (leave of absence), 25. 



INDEX. 



321 



s. 



Sa'at-i-sa^ld (lucky moment), 202. 
Sahat (covered way), 274, 275, 276, 

277. 
Sabuchah-i-barut (fire-pots), 132. 
^adiql (coat of mail), 69. 
Sadiival (artillery sergeant), 23, 26, 
■ 158. 

Saff amstan (battle array), 223. 
Safll (terreplein), 264. 
Sahalki (class of artificer), 174. 
Sahm (arrow), 97. 
Saiban (a kind of standard), 31. 
Saif (a sword), 75. 
Sailabah-i-Qalmacfi (a kind of knife), 

89. 
Sainthl (kind of spear), 81 , 84. 
Samtl (id.), 79, 84. 
Saints, shrines of, 202. 
Sair (privates), 158. 
Sa?a6a^fcar (imperial enclosure), 199. 
Salhqaba (kind of armour), 68. 
Sdlotrl (farrier), 174. 
Sambhar (fortress), 269. 
Sandbags, 278. 

San didan (a parade), 182 n. 1. 
Sang (kind of spear) 83. 
Sang-afkan (aperture for hurling 

down stonesj, 266. 
Sang-anddz (id.), 266. 
Sang-i-falakhan (slings for stones), 

95. 
Sangln (a bayonet), 83. 
Sangra'^d (catapult), 130. 
Sang-tarash (stone-mason), 174. 
Sank (kind of bpear), 81, 83. 
Sant (kind of spear), 80. 
Sap, approach by, 273. 
iSaqah (rear of any troops). 227. 
Saqatl (horse casualties), 22, 24. 
Saqat-namah (certificate of horse's 

death), 25. 
Sari (arrow- shaft), 97. 
Sar-i-suwarl (coup-de-main), 270. 



Sarkob (catapult). 130. 
Sarnal (scabbard mountings), 75. 
Sarpech (head ornament), 29. 
Saz-i-marassa" (jewelled trappings), 

72. 
Sdz-i-Uldc (gold-mounted trappings), 

72." 
Scaling-ladders (narduban), 271, 281. 
Scarcity and other suffering, 193. 
Scouts, 213. 
Set (kind of spear), 84. 
Selarah (kind of spear), 81, 84. 
Service, entering the, 36. 
Shab-gard (night-rounds), 209. 
Shab-glr (night-surprize), 257. 
Shab-khun (id.). 257. 
Shahin (falconet), 135. 
Shahjahanabad (fortress), 269. 
Shdlih (powder horn). 107. 
Shakh-dahdna (id.), 107. 
Shalih-i-tufang (tripod for matchlock), 

104". 
Shamiydnah (kind of tent), 195. 
Shamsher (sword), 75. 
Shamsherbdz (swordsman), 78. 
Shashbur (kind of mace), 79. 
Shast (thumbstall), 94. 
Shast-awez (id.), 94. 
Shdtur (a catapult?), 278. 
Sherbachak (a blunderbuss), 112. 
Sher-bachah (a class of troops), 58. 
Shergarh (fortress), 269. 
Sher-mdhi (kind of fish-bone), 89. 
Sher-mardtib (a kind of standard), 34. 
Sher Shah, his system of musters, 46. 
Shields, 73, 77 ; fencing, 78; movable 

(or mantlets), 278. 
Shikdrband (part of horse trappings), 

72. 
Shikdrgah (kind of sword), 77. 
Shooting, modes of, 101 ; with bow, 

102. 
Shrines of noted saints, visits to, 202. 
Shutarndl (small gun) 135; size of, 

136. 



322 



INDEX. 



biba (towers at sieges, also "cava- 
liers"). 271, 277, 279, 280. 

Sieges of Gurdaspiir and Thun, 270, 
285; particular, 288; of Qandahiir, 
289 ; of BIjapur, 289 ; of Jinji. 289; 
of Khelnah, 289 ; of Kandanah, 289 ; 
of Wakankhera, 289 ; of Jaitpur, 
289; of Allahabad, 290 •, of Ban- 
garh, 290. 

Siham (arrows), 97. 

Sihhandi (local militia), 166.. 

Sih-hlvdlah (kind of spear), 98. 

Sih'ioaijah (tripod for matchlock). 104. 

Silah (weapons in general), 62. 

Silahdar (class of trooper), 37, 47. 

Silah-posh (a class of troops), 164. 

Sinan (spear in general), 81. 

Singauta (parrying shield), 79. 

Single-stick play, 185. 

Singrd (priming horn), 107. 

Sipahi-i-falez (undisciplined troops). 
241. 

Sijmi' (a shield), 77. 

Sirohl (kind of sword), 76; gaj hail 
(id.). 77. 

Sitapur (fortress), 269. 

Siyaha dead (estimate of allowances). 
17. 

Siyah namUdan (to appear in the 
distance), 241. 

Siyahposh (class of troops), 183. 

Skirmishers {qarawaldri), 225. 

Slain and wounded, plundering of, 259. 

Spears, 73, 81 ; short, 81 ; mode of 
wielding, 82. 

Spies, 213. 

SqarVdt (broad-cloth), 73 n. 1. 

Standards, 32, 205; Yak's-tail, 34. 

Starvation, reduction of fortre.sses by, 
284. 

Statement {Haqlqat), 16. 

Stones, use of, by besieged, 283. 

Storming, 281. 

Stratagems, 244; of war, 255. 

String of bow, 93. 



Stringing the bow, 102. 

STiln (part of armour), 68. 

Sufdr (notch of bow), 93. 

Sultani (Royal), 44. 

Sunain (head of spear), 81. 

Suraj-mukhi (kind of standard), 34. 

Surang (a mine), 274. 

Surat (fortress), 269. 

Surgeons (jarah), establishment of, 
52. 

Surkh-posh (class of troops), 44, 183. 

Snwar (troopers), 5; Rank, 9. 

Swivel-gun, 109. 

Swordplay, 186. 

Swords, 73, 74; mode of carrying, 74. 

Sword-stick, 77. 

System, Akbar's, of making over ele- 
phants to grandees, 20. 



Tahal (head-piece), 227. 

Tahanchah (pistol), 112. 

Tahar (battle-axe), 80. 

Tabar zaghnol (kind of axe), 80. 

Tdblnan (cavalry soldiers), 9, 43, 48. 

Tabindn-i-baradmn (class of cavalry), 
10. 

Table of Mcmsab-i-zat^ 8. 

Tabrddr (axe-man), 174. 

Tafdivat-i-asp (a deduction from pay), 
22, 52. 

Tafaivat'i-silah (id.), 22. 

Tafawat-i-tabindn (id.), 22. 

Taghaiyur-i-rah dddan (change of 
route), 210. 

Tahnal (scabbard-mounting), 75. 

Ta%nat (posted to a province), 9. 

Takhsh (kind of missile), 147. 

Takhsh kaman (cross-bow), 95. 

Takht-i-raivan (portable throne),210, 

Talafl (deduction from pay), 20. 

Talaql-i-fariqaui (encounter of ar- 
mies), 241. 

Talfah (videttes), 209. 



INDEX. 



323 



Ta^liqah (executive order), 43. 

Talwar (sword), 75. 

Tamanchah (pistol), 11-1, 112. 

TamanchaJi (id.), 111. 

Tanab-i-quruq (rope enclosure), 199. 

Tankhicah (pay), 17, 21, 38. 

Tcmkhwah-i-ina'^m (a gift), 18. 

Taraf-i-yamin (right wing), 226. 

faragarh (fortress), 269. 

Tarah (part of battle array), 227. 

Tarah-i-hadam (kind of arrow), 98. 

faraii-i-halal (id.), 98. 

faraii-i-khar (id), 98. 

Tarah-i-khornl (id), 98. 

Tarah-i-mah (id.), 98. 

farah-i-toko (id.), 98. 

farcmgalah (battle-axe), 80. 

Target, 101. 

Tarkash (quiver), 99. 

Tascllq (certificate), 41, 42. 

Tashihah (verification), 46, 53. 

Taulghamah (part of battle array), 
2277 

Taulqamah (part of battle array), 
227, 233, 240. 

Taivaqqi(f-i-tashihah (delay in veri- 
fication), 24, 54. 

Tawaqquf o '^adam-i-iashihah (non- 
verification), 22. 

Technical terms of fighting, 239; 
words connected with fortresses, 
263. 

Tegh (sword), 75. 

Teghah (sword blade), 75. 

Telescope, 246. 

Tents, colour of, 198; striped, 198. 

Tei're-plein, 264. 

Thonth (kind of arrow), 98. 

Thnn(First Siege),285; (Second Siege), 
287. 

Thuth (kind of arrow), 98. 

Tilak (sect-mark), 72. 

Tilayah (patrol). 209. 

Tilivah (kind of shield), 78. 



Tir (arrow), 73, 97 ; various meanings 
of. 129. 

Tlrah-bcmd (loaded), 129. 

Tir-cmdaz (archer), 91. 

Ttrbardcir (arrow-extractor), 101. 

Titles, 28. 

Tobrah (nose-hag), 142. 

Toc/h (kind of standard), 34. 

Top (cannon), 65, 113. 

Top (helmet), 64, 65. 

Top-i-liaioae (air-gun?), 130. 

Top-i-kalan (heavy gun), 114. 

Top-i-ljMlrd (field-piece), 114. 

Top-khanah (artillery), 113. 

Tor a (gun match), 107. 

Torah (law, custom), 145. 

Toredar (matchlock), 104. 

Toshah-lzhanah (wardrobe for pre- 
sents), 29. 

Towers (st&a), 279. 

Towns, Walled, 263. 

Tozdun (pouch), 107. 

Transport, 191. 

Trichinopoly (fortress), 268. 

Troopers, fine for deficiency in, 22; 
roll for, 48. 

Truce, flag of, 214. 

Tudah (earthen target), 101. 

Tnfak (matchlock), 103 n. 1. 

Tufak-i-dahcln (blow-pipe), 97. 

Tufang (matchlock), 73, 103. 

Tufang-chi (matchlock man), 167. 

Tufang-i-farcmg (European match- 
lock), 104. 

Tukah, Tukkah (kind of arrow), 97. 

Tumcln (body of troops), 183. 

Tumandar (head of tumdn). 183. 

Tuman-togh {Tuman-tok) (kind of 
standard)^ 31, 34. 

TTimar (despatch, report), 254. 

fupak (matchlock), 103 n. 1. 

TUrah (mantlet), 142, 145, 277. 

Turk-tazl (Turk-galloping), 241. 

Tynasliee work, 62. 



324 



INDEX. 



UiiMq (class of cavalry), 241. 
Ujjain (fortress), 269. 
Umara (nobles), 9. 
Umara-i-kihar (great nobles), 9. 
'Umdah (pillars of the State), 9. 
Unconditional pay, 13. 
Uniform, 183. 
Ustak (shabracque), 72. 
Utara (fighting on foot), 237. 
^Uzzam (great nobles), 9. 



Vanguard, 225 ; advanced post of the, 
226. 

Venmuroo (kind of mace), 81. 

Verification, 53; delay in, 24, 54; 
roll, 26; and branding, 45; inter- 
vals after which imperative, 54; 
department-officials and their du- 
ties, 55. 

Victory, proclamation of, 242. 

W. 

Wadded coats, 69. 
Wakankhera, siege of, 289. 
Wakll-i-mutlaq (vice-gerent), 37. 
Wala Shahls, Bakhshi of the, 40, 

43, 44; (High Imperial). 44. 
Wall, temporary, 279. 
Wall-piece, 109. 
Waqi^ah (official diary), 18, 41, 42, 

254. 
Waqi^ah navls (diary-writer) 18. 
'W'agfa/i-nigfar (diary-writer), 40,41 . 
War Organization of Moghul Empire, 

reasons for decay of, 296 — 300. 
^^^aris-namah (certificate of death), 

27."" 
Watching, 209. 
W^ater-carriers, 53. 



Wazir (chief minister), 37. 
Weapons, 29; great number that a 

man carried. 73; offensive, 90; 

relative estimation of, 90. 
Wielding the spear, mode of, 82. 
Wings of army, Right, 226; Left, 

226; of the centre, 227. 
Wounded, no medical aid for, 259. 
Wrestling, 186. 



Yad-dasht (memorandum), 18, 42. 
Yak-ang-bazi (kind of sword-play), 

185. 
Yakaspah (having one horse), 23. 
Yakkah-taz (riding alone), 43. 
Yak's-tail standard, 34. 
Yaltang-posh (part of horse trappings), 

72. 
Yaltmish (part of battle array), 226. 
Yasawals (armed messengers), 44, 

81, 210. 
Yurish (onset), 241. 

Z. 

Zafarabad (fortress), 269. 

Zdghnol (kind of axe), 80. 

Zalmun (an arrow), 99. 

Zamburak (camel-piece), 135 ; size of, 
136. 

Zanjir-bandi (chaining cannon), 229. 

Zanjir-i-fil (phrase of record or ac- 
count), 179. 

Zarb-zan (cannon), 113. 

Zardposh (class of cavalry). 183. 

Zat (personal rank), 5. 

Zerband (martingale), 72. 

Zih (bow-string), 93. 

Zihglr (thumstall), 93. 94. 

Zlnah-pae (scaling-ladder), 281 . 

Zirih (kind of armour), 66. 67. 

Zirihkidah (part of armour). 66. 



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U.C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES 




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